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Background. Emphasis pertaining to the enculturation of learning and development per se is supported by previous theorizations and empirical evidence (Bronfenbrenner, 1989; Lave & Wenger, 1991; Okagaki, 2001; Vygotsky, 1978). This perspective on learning suggests that, collectively, individuals acquire knowledge (e.g., how gravity works) by interacting actively with the social milieu. Considering Bronfenbrenner’s (1979, 1989) theoretical model, we contend that social processes involved with learning may situate within different contexts – for example, a child interacting with peers at a local preschool, or a child conversing with siblings at home. The work of Okagaki (Okagaki, 2001; Okagaki & Frensch, 1998; Okagaki, Frensch, & Dodson, 1996), in particular, has been prominent in highlighting the potency of three major influences: the school, the family and the community, and the child himself/herself.
Conceptualization. Similar to previous theorizations (e.g., Okagaki, 2001; Vygotsky, 1978), we propose a hierarchical framework of learning that depicts three major sociocultural influences: historical and cultural attributes of a society; an individual’s family within the community; and the individual himself/herself. Notably, extending the work of Okagaki (2001), we also posit that the construction of knowledge exists within different social and cultural layers.
In a layered system of change, individuals’ historical genesis plays a part in the shaping of perceptions and the differential meanings of ‘learning’, ‘knowledge’, and ‘skills’. Individuals reared and who live in a particular region may, for example, share some common cultural attributes, such as the affiliation of values and beliefs that pertain to caring, sharing, and communal learning (Nabobo-Baba, 2006; Phan, Maebuta, & Dorovolomo, 2010; Ravuvu, 1988). In a similar vein, individuals living in an upheaval society (e.g., political uncertainty) may collectively share and experience a sense of deliberation, purpose, and motivation to learn and to succeed, academically, at all costs.
We note that a community then may espouse some important extraneous influences on the immediate family. Families, drawing from the values, norms, and expectations of a community, in turn, stipulate a set of personal beliefs for immediate members to adhere and action to. Families in non-Western contexts, for instance, may believe and align more closely to the notion of interdependency and achievements for others to appreciate (Markus & Kitayama, 1991). The notion of filial piety (Chow & Chu, 2007), for example, serves as a motivational force for individuals of Asian origins to strive for academic success. In contrast, families may also attune to individualistic thinking, wherein academic success/failure is reflective of one’s own individualized accomplishment.
Finally, as part of our conceptualization, we also contend that learning and achievement ultimately rest with the individual. An individual’s desire to obtain good academic grades may compel him/her to use various cognitive and non-cognitive strategies to learn effectively. For example, upon the impact of the immediate family (e.g., verbal encouragement from parents), an individual may feel self-efficacious to study and to strive for academic excellence. Apart from beliefs that may pass on from parents and siblings, individuals also have the autonomy to regulate and to change their own achievement-related behaviors.