Seeking Equity through Regionalism: A Case Study of Governance in the Learning Community in Omaha, Nebraska

• In Event: Investigating the Potential of Regional Interdistrict Collaboration to Address Inequality and Isolation in Education

Abstract

Objectives
This first single-site paper focuses on the issue of governance within the Omaha-area Learning Community. The Learning Community is the broadest in terms of scope of the three programs in the study. The legislation that created the Learning Community established a special purpose government, consisting of an elected 21-member governing board (elected in the general election) that oversees a tax-sharing plan that redistributes general revenue, an inter-district diversity transfer program, and programming aimed at enhancing early childhood and after-school opportunities for low-income students. This paper first examines the governance structure of the Learning Community in terms of urban/suburban representation and power. The paper then considers how the governance structure has affected the scope and implementation of the Learning Community’s programs.

Theoretical Framework
This analysis draws upon theoretical work about the political dynamics of regional governance structures (see powell, 2000; Reynolds, 2003; Weir, 2000). The Learning Community, as a special-purpose government, is a form of "federated regionalism," which according to powell (2000) balances "the need for an integrated regional approach with the need to preserve local control on some issues" (p. 220). Under such arrangements, school districts retain control over their core functions (curriculum, hiring, budgeting, student enrollment) while at the same time working together towards the pursuit of regional goals. Using the regional governance literature, this paper examines benefits and tensions inherent in this type of governance arrangement.

Methods and Data Sources
This paper draws upon 30 in-depth interviews with individuals from a cross-section of roles in the Learning Community, including state legislators, Learning Community Coordinating Council (governance council) members, local school board members, superintendents, and school-level educators and administrators. Individuals in governance and policy roles (legislators and governing board members) were selected intentionally to capture a diversity of representation in terms of both role as well as geography. Educators were selected to capture those who were most affected by LC programs. Findings were triangulated using multiple sources of data (Miles & Huberman, 1994).

Findings and Significance
This paper finds that the Learning Community governance structure has provided for a relatively even balance of suburban and urban interests. As a result, the governance council has become a relatively effective political body within which significant cross-metro cooperation and collaboration is occurring. At the same time, however, the governance council suffers from several significant weaknesses in terms of legitimacy. One problem stems from representation: as a result of a protracted tensions between the city and suburban superintendents in the metro area, the legislation that created the Learning Community largely excluded superintendents from decision making authority within the governance structure. As a result, several suburban and rural superintendents have embarked on campaigns of (often silent) resistance, which has had the effect of undermining some of the programs, either overtly or through non-cooperation. The data illustrate that these governance tensions have created a number of political barriers for the work of the governance council that threaten to undermine long-term goals.

Authors

• Jennifer Jellison Holme, The University of Texas - Austin

• Sarah Diem, University of Missouri