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Although our student population is increasingly diverse, the teaching workforce has remained largely White and female (Ball & Tyson, 2011; Strizek, Pittsonberger, Riordan, Lyter, & Orlofsky, 2006), commonly referred to as the demographic imperative (Cochran-Smith, 2003; Grant & Gibson, 2011; Zeichner, 2003). This signals a need to cultivate future generations of Black educators and to consider barriers that may impede their recruitment and retention. This demographic imperative did not always exist. During segregation, there were tens of thousands of Black teachers (Irvine, 1988; Murnane, Singer, Willett, Kemple, & Olsen, 1991). Desegregation initiated a continual period of loss of Black teachers where they were not hired in desegregated schools, and were considered inferior to their White counterparts. This myth that Black teachers were inferior to white teachers has contributed to the enduring stigma Black teachers face and continues to be a gatekeeper for Blacks entry into the profession (Delpit, 1997; Graham, 1987; Haddix & Hodge, 2013). Other influential factors include inadequate academic preparation for college entrance and graduation, standardized testing requirements for teacher licensure, opportunities in more lucrative professions, and placements in large, urban schools with high turnover rates and low teacher support (Gordon, 1994; Irvine, 1988; Murnane et al., 1991). Researchers suggest that there should be a focus on the recruitment and retention of Blacks into the teaching profession (Duncan-Andrade, 2011; Foster, 1997; Graham, 1987; Nieto & McDonough, 2011; Sleeter & Milner, 2011).
Over the past 30 years there has been a proliferation of alternate pathways into teaching (Cloud, 2010; Feistritzer & Haar, 2008; Solomon, 2009), such as district or university intern programs or programs like Teach for America. Some routes have provided Black teachers with entry into the profession (Feistritzer & Haar, 2008; Guarino, Santibanez, & Daley, 2006; Kirby, Berendes, & Naftel, 1999) and been successful in recruiting and retaining Blacks (Berry, Montgomery, Curtis, Hernandez, Wurtzel, & Snyder, 2008). Unfortunately, some pathways are underutilized and the voices of Black teachers are virtually ignored by researchers (Gist & White, 2011).
Using program retention rate data, semi-structured interviews, classroom observations, and participant self-reports, this case study examines the experiences of Black elementary teacher candidates in an alternative pathway program that focuses on preparing teachers for “urban” school communities in northern California. Research questions include: 1) How do Black preservice teachers’ educational experiences compare to their majority peers?; 2) How do these experiences affect the retention of Black students in such programs?; and 3) What kinds of supports do Black teacher candidates benefit from during their preservice programs? Preliminary findings indicate that candidates perceive that their White peers view their academic preparation as inferior and view them as less capable teachers. Teacher candidates can internalize these perceptions and doubt their intellectual abilities, classroom contributions, and efficacy. Black teacher candidates also experience feelings of isolation, and are often the only Black teacher in the program. Implications for the recruitment and retention of Black teachers in credentialing and alternative pathway programs will be discussed.