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“Everyone is entitled to his (sic) own opinion,” Daniel Patrick Moynihan famously remarked, “but not his own facts.” Yet, when it comes to political debates and to the ways those on the left and right of the political spectrum justify their opinions, research shows that beliefs about “the facts” are shaped by one’s opinions as much one’s opinions are shaped by the facts. Individuals often start with what they believe and then work backwards, crafting justifications, seeking evidence, and modifying understandings of information to align with their conclusions (Haidt, 2012).
This dynamic can constrain civic and political learning in the public sphere. For example, individuals are subject to a confirmation bias (seeking out information from newspapers or other sources that aligns with one’s views) and to a disconfirmation bias (being more critical of evidence and arguments that do not support one’s views) (see, Taber and Lodge, 2006). In short, psychological processes lead individuals to avoid or discredit content they might otherwise learn from.
These dynamics, generally studied by political scientists and political psychologists, raise important questions for social studies educators committed to addressing controversial topics and for others concerns about civic education. They highlight the need to know whether and under what circumstances instruction can help prevent a situation in which everyone has their own facts.
Our study considers this question by focusing in on a particular controversial topic – economic inequality. We draw on a nationally representative survey of over 2900 youth ages 15-18). The size and nationally representative nature of the data set provides us with valuable indicators of students’ knowledge of, policy perspectives on, and opportunities to learn about economic inequality. In addition, drawing on regression analysis, we examine the factors that predict exposure to these learning opportunities and how partisan leaning and/or educational opportunities influence what one knows about economic inequality. For example, at a basic descriptive level, we find that opportunities to learn about economic inequality are not heavily influenced either by students’ economic status or their partisan leanings. In addition, as expected, we find that Democrats are more likely to know factual information about trends in economic inequality than Republicans, as those trends are consistent with Democrats perspectives on the problem. We also find that economic inequality is discussed in schools, but not frequently. 64% of youth report that they spent at least one class period during the prior year discussing the topic, but only 14% spent 3 or more class periods on the topic. Our analysis also indicates that spending class time on this topic is consequential. Both Democrats and Republicans significantly increased their ability to correctly characterize trends in economic inequality, when they had classes where economic inequality was discussed.
We conclude the paper by discussing the limits of this study, implications for social studies educators hoping to expand student knowledge of this and other highly partisan issues, and by outlining next steps in this research agenda.