Educational Access for Deported Mexican Young Adults

• In Event: Marginalized in Mexico: Examining the Educational Experiences of Deported, Dual U.S.-Mexican Citizen, and Indigenous Students

Abstract

Objectives: President Obama's 2012 executive action, Deferred Action for Childhood Arrivals (DACA), provided temporary legal residence and work-permits to more than 400,000 young adults. Despite DACA, the number of Mexican undocumented young adults educated in the United States returning to Mexico, either voluntarily or through deportation, has increased in recent years (Latapi, Lowell, & Martin, 2013). This return migration has taken Mexico’s government and educational institutions by surprise. The lack of awareness about the hardships of deported youths highlights the need for better binational policies to increase their educational access and nurture their binational sensibilities (Anderson, 2014).

Theoretical Framework: The lack of familiarity with Mexican society, institutions, and lack of Spanish language proficiency greatly complicates the societal integration of deported young adults. Social and Cultural Capital Theory suggests that a student’s ability to develop social ties (social capital) within educational contexts is critical for educational success and higher education access (Bourdieu, 1986). Access to formal knowledge about how the educational system works (cultural capital) is also vital. Using this framework, we asked: What is the educational access and societal integration of deported Mexican young adults who grew up in the U.S.?

Methods: Data collection was organized into three segments: surveys (n=280), in-depth interviews (n=40), and ethnographic fieldwork. Young adults ages 18-25 were recruited using Facebook Ads and Respondent Driven Sampling. Interviews and ethnographic fieldwork were conducted in Mexico City, a primary destination for deported young adults. Ethnographic fieldwork included interviews with NGO’s to assess how well they understand the deported youth population, attitudes and beliefs about them, and to determine resources for students.

Results: Among those surveyed, 38% were deported, 35% returned involuntarily and 27% returned voluntarily. On average, young adults in our sample immigrated to the U.S. at the age of five, lived there 13 years, returned to Mexico at the age of 19, and have lived in Mexico for about four years since returning. Approximately two-thirds were high school graduates and about a third had attended at least some college. The majority (75%) aspired to continue with their education (BA or more), but the process of enrolling the Mexican educational system is so complicated that many participants simply gave up trying. Due to educational bureaucratic hurdles and limited employment options, many work at call centers where their native-level English proficiency is a valued asset. Although they pay relatively well the working conditions are difficult. Findings suggest that a small but growing number NGO’s have become an important source of support that guide students in the college application process, help with finding scholarships a place to live, and resources to improve Spanish language skills.

Scholarly Significance: Deported youth have the potential to significantly contribute to a binational economy that draws on each country’s comparative advantage, yet the inadequacy of bi-national policies hinder their integration and contribution across societies. The findings can help to increase awareness in the U.S. and Mexico about the effects of deportations on youths’ educational and occupational attainment and stimulate the creation of binational integration policies.

Author

• William Perez, Claremont Graduate University