Diversity in the Opt-Out Movement: An Analysis of Districts With High Percentages of Opt-Out Families

• In Event: Inside the Opt Out Movement: The Role of Parent Protest in Educational Change

Abstract

Objectives: As the opt-out movement grew exponentially in 2014-15, a media narrative began to emerge portraying opt-out parents as predominantly white, affluent, and residents of high-performing suburban districts (Rotherham, 2015). However, these reports are largely anecdotal and only recently have scholars attempted to determine who is participating in the opt-out movement. A recent Brookings Institute study uses data from New York to confirm that districts serving more disadvantaged students had lower opt-out rates, but at the same time “no single student characteristic is a perfect predictor of opt-out rates” (Chingos, 2015). In an effort to better understand who participates in the opt-out movement our study focuses on districts in Ohio with high percentages of opt-out families.

Perspective(s) or theoretical framework:
This study is also grounded in work of school and family engagement. This literature emphasizes the importance of community voice in all aspects of school administration, policy and governance (Henderson & Mapp, 2002).

Methods, techniques, or modes of inquiry:
This study is a quantitative analysis of district level data from the Ohio Department of Education and data collected through direct contact with districts. Descriptives statistics are used to describe the overarching demographics of districts in Ohio versus the demographics of districts with high percentages of opt-outs (>10%). Statistical analyses were conducted to examine correlations between % of opt-outs and key student and community demographics.

Data sources, evidence, objects, or materials:
The researchers contacted all 614 districts in Ohio to determine the % of opt-outs in grades 3 through 9 and the total number of eligible test takers. We also utilized publically available data on Ohio school districts including: average family income, % of minority students, % of students receiving free/reduced lunch, performance index scores, and value added measures. Finally, we utilized an 8-part typology created by the Ohio Department of Education to sort schools based on a combination of geographic location, district size, and SES.

Results and/or substantiated conclusions: This study revealed a number of important findings. First, there is an uneven distribution of opt-outs in Ohio. The majority of districts (80%) had < 2% of students opting out, but for a small percentage of districts (5%) the number of opt-out were significant (ranging from 10% to 60%). Based on aggregate descriptive statistics (avg. family income, performance index scores, % of minority students) these pockets of dissent are representative of typical Ohio districts. Second, the pockets of dissent were varied in terms of Ohio Department of Education District Typology. There was representation found in urban, rural, suburban and small town districts. One notable exception was that there are no pockets of dissent located in highly affluent suburban districts which contradicts media portrayals of the opt-out movement.

Scientific or scholarly significance:
As the opt-out movement grows it is important for policymakers to know who is involved and why. This study reveals there is diversity within the opt-out movement and suggests that a broad range of families are concerned about the role of high-stakes testing and its impact on public education.

Authors

• Michael P. Evans, Miami University - Oxford

• Andrew Saultz, Miami University - Oxford