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Objective
Despite its increased representation in social studies curriculum, research has indicated that Black history continues to be truncated and disjointed with narratives rendering Black Americans with little agency and as historically insignificant (Brown & Au, 2014; Brown & Brown, 2010; Ladson-Billings, 2003). Nevertheless, Black History is an established part of the social studies lexicon. Black History Month is celebrated at hundreds of schools each February, textbooks companies have shown greater emphasis on Black history, and Black history teacher professional development networks are common. School districts offer Black history elective courses. Philadelphia city schools require African American history for graduation. Museums such as the Reginald Lewis Museum in Baltimore and the Dusable museum in Chicago have developed Black history curriculum for schools. Lastly, ten states (Arkansas, Florida, Illinois, New Jersey, New York, Mississippi, Rhode Island, South Carolina, Tennessee, and Washington) have legislated Black history as part of the history curriculum. This paper is about the aforementioned states and their Black history mandates.
Theoretical Framework and Methodology
The framework, Black cultural projections (Merelman, 1995) is defined as the conscious or unconscious effort of Black persons and their allies to place new, more positive images of itself before dominate groups for the purpose of increasing its own cultural capital (Merelman, 1995, p.3). Black History mandates relate to Merleman’s notion of syncretism, a process when both dominant (policy makers) and subordinate (Black history advocates) groups equally come to a consensus of a certain projection. Black cultural projections questions that although Black history has always been a political act, does the idea of a state law imply an effort to deinstitutionalize curricular inequities?
Using literary content methodology (Alridge, 2006), I examined the legislation, Black history curriculum, and accompanied Black history website from each state. The following research questions were used:
1. What dominant Black history topics are privileged? Do they differ from non-mandate states?
2. What curricular and instructional resources do these states promote?
3. What professional development is offered?
Findings and Significance
The findings indicate similarities and differences in structure, scope, and implementation. Some Black history policies are by name only while a few states have sanctioned commissions in charge of Black history curriculum and professional development. The cultural projections vary from Florida’s African Diasporic, New Jersey’s slavery centric, and Mississippi’s civil rights approaches to Black history.
While policy does not equal classroom action, Black history mandates creates new policy discourse on the utility of Black history. More importantly, learning about Black history mandates situates the subject’s theoretical purpose in school curriculum. Historically, Black history has been a mechanism to teach for racial uplift, cultural awareness, and morality (Merelman, 1993). Since many of these mandate were developed through certain sociohistorical and educational contexts (i.e., multicultural, post racial, and Black lives matters) comprehending the utility of Black history in schools helps gauge racial literacy in the curriculum and how we come to understand Blackness.