Search
Program Calendar
Browse By Day
Browse By Time
Browse By Person
Browse By Room
Browse By Unit
Browse By Session Type
Search Tips
Visiting Washington, D.C.
Personal Schedule
Sign In
X (Twitter)
A growing body of literature on the post-secondary experiences of undocumented students.explores the legal restrictions and economic barriers limiting higher education opportunities (Abrego 2006; Abrego and Gonzales 2010; Flores 2010; Gonzales 2010; Teranishi et al. 2015). Since most of this research has focused on states with established immigrant communities and more inclusive policies, little is known about undocumented students futures’ in new immigrant destinations, particularly in states with legislation limiting the integration of immigrants. Furthermore, until now, it has been too early to fully understand the mechanisms by which DACA impacts undocumented students’ post-secondary trajectories.
Drawing on 41 in-depth interviews conducted in the Greater Columbia and Greater Greenville areas of South Carolina, I analyze the effects of DACA on the post-secondary futures of undocumented students. In South Carolina, DACA beneficiaries can now attend public post-secondary institutions in their state, an opportunity previously blocked to them as undocumented students. I show how social capital, specifically access to information through knowledgeable ties, has a lessened but continuing impact on DACAmented students’ educational trajectories.
For undocumented students graduating before 2012, social capital played a crucial role in determining one’s opportunities for post-secondary education. Despite barred access to public institutions, undocumented students could still attend private institutions. However, knowledge of this option was significantly conditioned by students’ access to social ties who could provide such information. Students with supportive and knowledgeable school staff, out-of-school mentors, older siblings, and other undocumented friends were more likely to learn of the private school route than students lacking such ties. However whether a student could potentially receive guidance from these social ties was also dependent on whether they felt comfortable disclosing their undocumented status in the first place. Consequently, students who were well-connected to knowledgeable social ties and felt comfortable disclosing their undocumented status to these ties were more likely to matriculate to college after high school than their more isolated peers.
Although DACA beneficiaries no longer face barred access to public institutions, access to information remains crucial for students’ college aspirations to become realities. Since DACAmented students must pay out-of-state tuition and are not eligible for federal financial aid, cost of education remains a significant barrier for our respondents, most of whom come from low-income families. Again, school staff, mentors, older siblings, and undocumented friends serve as crucial brokers to connect these students to scholarships they are eligible for and specific institutions which provide the most support. Therefore, social capital has a significant influence on whether DACAmented students enroll in cheaper 2-year community colleges versus 4-year universities, how many hours they must work while attending school to afford tuition, and whether they enroll part-time or full-time.
While DACA has certainly opened up education opportunities for undocumented students in South Carolina, the embeddedness of these students within knowledgeable networks is still crucial in determining their post-secondary trajectories. These findings have significant policy implications demonstrating the need for schools, organizations, and state institutions to better connect DACA beneficiaries with the information they need to succeed.