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In 2016, British citizens voted to exist the European Union via the Brexit referendum. Discontent emerged previously through political machinations, notably the UK Independence Party voicing aversions to immigration, economic conditions, and flagging British culture. During the same timeframe, American politicians jockeyed for national attention and constituents’ support to gain the Republican Party Presidential nomination (New York Times, Washington Post). Central to emerging platforms of potential candidates were concerns with immigration and economy, from some that immigrants contribute to a decline of citizens’ livelihoods and cultural values. Simultaneously, in both nations advocates for diversity voiced benefits via participation of multiple groups, that could enhance economic, sociocultural, and environmental conditions for populaces via sufficient numbers of STEM (science, technology, engineering, and mathematics) professionals. Announcements by mid-terms President Barack Obama and Prime Minister David Cameron, and Chancellors of G-7 nations (world’s top economic countries) introduced STEM initiatives. Within the USA, professional organizations like the American Association for the Advancement of Science emphasized the criticality of including diversity in STEM (Obama, 2012, 2010 Gove, 2011; AAA 2014) Concurrently, such bodies and international counterparts stress the necessity for international STEM cooperation that after the Brexit vote and a presidential candidate derisions prove problematic by curtailing collaborations (Dionne, 2016).
Such public counterproposals necessitate examinations of university policies to address pathways, at the graduate levels since enrollees are potential STEM professionals ameliorating lives of citizenry. A central research question: Where are the future professionals and leaders, despite what may appear to be roadblocks stifling cooperation? We postulate that urban research universities in the USA and England are the locales for alliances and new professionals since they award approximately 80% of doctoral degrees in the USA and overwhelmingly in England. Meanwhile, metropolis contain diverse students with prospects to pursue STEM doctorates (NCES, 2012)).
After research clearances in both nations, the author undertook a multi-year Federally funded research grant to engage in mixed methods study with underrepresented (African and Latino/a Americans and African/Caribbean/Pakistani/Bangladeshi English) 80 doctoral students and 100 university faculty and administrators to examine factors contributing to student recruitment, selection, and graduation.
This presentation objectives include: 1) explicating conceptual frameworks of frontstage (public or formal criteria for decisions) and backstage (private or informal defacto rationales for actual decisionmaking) policies and procedures [Goffman, 1959; Pica &Feagin, 2007) to encompass diverse demographic groups in graduate programs as examined via the intersectionality of class/race/gender (Bonilla-Silva,2013; Lindsay, 2013; Gillborn,2010); 2) analyzing universities’ public documents and/or policies of deans, vice presidents, and presidents; 3) utilizing case study methodologies to interview STEM minority doctoral students at eight urban universities in various geographical regions of the USA and England; and 4) finding the likelihoods that minorities participate equitably and graduate and enter STEM professions in view of public policies fostering participation, while others stifle inclusion. The presentation synthesizes frontstage (e.g. in-person interviews of candidates) and backstage policies (recognizing socioeconomic class students’ accents) that help mitigate negative features (unpublished admission criteria) in fostering equity.