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Civic education theorists, researchers, and practitioners have long pointed to classroom discussions on social and political issues as a strategy for preparing young people to participate in complex civic deliberations as adults (Gutmann, 1995; Kahne & Sporte, 2008; Gibson & Levine, 2003). In socially, religiously, and ideologically diverse societies like the United States, these discussions become even more important.
Yet, as political polarization grows and Americans increasingly cluster along ideological lines, new questions have emerged about whether America’s classrooms can be sites for students to engage diverse and challenging ideas in an informed and reflective manner (Bishop, 2009; Hess & McAvoy, 2014). It is clear that America’s social studies teachers have a pivotal role to play in this increasingly polarized context. Yet, these social studies teachers themselves are citizens living in red (primarily Republican), blue (primarily Democrat), or purple (mixed) communities. They are political and civic agents with particular civic identities as well as professional educators.
This paper draws on a unique nationally representative survey conducted in Spring 2015 to illuminate the diverse political and civic identities and civic education practices of U.S. high school social studies teachers. Other recent national surveys of U.S. social studies teachers have not directly addressed the civic identity of teachers or their role in leading discussions on social and political issues (Leming et al. 2009; Farkas & Duffet (2010). We draw on this data set (described in the symposium overview) to explore how these teachers’ political beliefs and civic practices differ by teacher background, school characteristics, and community demographics.
Preliminary analysis of the data points to a number of intriguing findings. First, the extent to which a teacher encourages classroom discussions of civic and political issues can be predicted by that teacher’s level of political and civic engagement (following news, discussing issues with friends and family, participating in civic organizations). Second, the likelihood that a teacher self-identifies as liberal or conservative is related to community contextual factors including but not limited to percentage of low-income students enrolled at the school. Third, teachers’ political ideology is not associated with the frequency of classroom discussions or whether teachers encourage students to draw on evidence in the context of these discussions.
Finally, neither teachers’ political ideology nor their civic/political engagement predicts whether or not teachers try to be neutral during classroom discussions of civic and political issues. Teachers of color, female teachers, and novice teachers, however, are the most likely to try to position themselves as neutral. It also appears that teachers who perceive their political ideology to be at odds with the local community are more likely than other teachers to embrace neutrality.
Researchers and practitioners alike acknowledge the importance of political discussion in social studies classrooms for the developing the habits, skills, and dispositions of democratic citizenship. Yet little is known about the relationship between teachers’ political identity and their classroom practice. This paper explores teachers’ levels of political engagement and their ideological predispositions with their civic education classroom practices.