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Democratic theorists have long valued attention to factually accurate evidence related to controversial policies. They also value debate and discussion that is informed by such evidence. Often, however, those who hold different policy positions also disagree when it comes to basic factual information. Indeed, rather than one’s perspective on a contentious policy topic being shaped primarily by what one “knows to be true,” what one “knows to be true” is often influenced significantly by one’s ideological or policy perspective (Taber & Lodge, 2006).
The risks this poses for our democracy are enormous. For example, how can those who disagree have a meaningful discussion if they cannot even agree on basic facts? And why would the losing side of any political battle view the process as legitimate, if they believe the winner’s case rests on outright falsehoods? Just as important, how can individuals cast an informed vote if they lack accurate information? In a very real sense, if those who disagree on policy cannot even agree on basic facts related to policy, many benefits of democratic decision making are in jeopardy (Hochschild & Einstein, 2015; Delli Carpini & Keeter, 1996).
Given this state of affairs, it is both surprising and concerning that educators know relatively little about whether and when educational practices influence the likelihood that those who disagree when it comes to policy will agree when it comes to related factual information.
Our study considers this question by focusing in on a particular controversial topic – economic inequality. We consider whether lessons related to economic inequality impact students’ factual knowledge regarding economic inequality on a survey taken in a non-school setting months after such lessons occurred. The paper draws upon data from an original survey of a nationally representative sample of young people in the United States. Specifically, we examine the responses of a nationally representative group of 740 high school students to questions that ask about their experiences discussing economic inequality in school and their knowledge of the issue.
Drawing on regression analysis, we find that opportunities to learn about economic inequality are not heavily influenced either by students’ economic status or their partisan leanings. We also find that economic inequality is discussed in schools, but not frequently. Sixty-four per cent of youth report that they spent at least one class period during the prior year discussing the topic, but only 14% spent 3 or more class periods on the topic. Our analysis also indicates that spending class time on this topic is consequential. Both Democrats and Republicans increased their factual understanding of recent trends in economic inequality by roughly 25%, when they had classes where economic inequality was discussed.
We conclude the paper by discussing the implications of these findings for social studies educators hoping to expand student knowledge of this and other highly partisan issues. We also discuss directions for future research.