South Asian Immigration and Education in the United States: Understanding Historical and Social Contexts

• In Event: 15.060 - MTCC Roundtable Session One
  In Roundtable Session: 15.060-6 - Historical and Social Contexts That Shape Diverse Asian American Communities and Their Educational Outcomes

Abstract

Many South Asians in the United States today demonstrate high socioeconomic and educational outcomes (Pew Research Center, 2012). Census data (2010) show South Asians generally are the highest achieving group in the U.S. with more bachelors and graduate degrees than Whites, Asians, and the overall U.S. population. However, closer examination by national origin and immigrant wave reveals nuances in the group’s present-day outcomes. While many South Asians are successful in the U.S., newer immigrants in the urban ethnic enclaves often struggle in blue-collar jobs and with performance in schools (Bhattacharya, 2000; Bhattacharya & Schoppelrey, 2004; Verma, 2008). There is limited research on the successes or struggles of this growing South Asian community.

The purpose of this paper is to examine the historical and social contexts of South Asian immigration to the U.S. and link them to present-day educational and socioeconomic outcomes. This literature review and historical analysis focuses on Indians, Pakistanis, and Bangladeshis. Using Paik et al.’s (2014) adapted model of incorporation, this paper examines immigration factors such as government policies, societal reception, co-ethnic communities, settlement patterns, class status, education, occupation, language ability and time of arrival to the U.S. to explain overall and differential outcomes within this ethnic group. Sources include a literature review spanning multiple fields and disciplines (e.g., education, ethnic studies, history, sociology, psychology), U.S. census data, and various online resources, such as ethnic organization websites.

Most South Asians immigrated under favorable or neutral modes of incorporation during the second and third immigration waves after 1965. They were wealthy, educated, fluent in English, and had professional skills (Leonard, 1997; Purkayastha, 2005; Saran, 2007). They did not need government assistance, readily found white collar jobs as engineers, medical doctors, and scientists, and assimilated into white suburban neighborhoods. These immigrants reflect the high educational attainment, occupation, and income statistics. They were vastly different from the pre-1965 first wave immigrants who came with several barriers to incorporation, such as low socio-economic background, lack of literacy and English skills, as well as government and societal hostility (Leonard, 1997; Purkayastha, 2005). Post-1965, a subgroup of third wave immigrants hailing primarily from Bangladesh and Pakistan are struggling in schools and socioeconomically (Bhattacharya & Schoppelrey, 2004; NAPACDDC 2005). Disaggregated data finds Bangladeshis and Pakistanis immigrate to the U.S. with fewer occupation-ready skills, have much lower income levels than Indians, with almost 20% of Bangladeshis living in poverty (Asian American Center for Advancing Justice, 2011). This subgroup receives little attention from government aid and policies because their needs often get overlooked under the general, more favorable statistics of South Asians. Additionally, South Asians who reside in urban ethnic enclaves have been known to bear the brunt of 9/11 prejudice and racism (Verma, 2008).

Understanding the nature of South Asian immigration experiences should result in a greater awareness and support of the barriers faced by students and their families. Disaggregation of education data by South Asian subgroups is important, especially with the influx of more varied South Asian groups.

Author

• Zaynah Rahman, Claremont Graduate University