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Asian Americans are typically stereotyped as homogenous, masking distinctive socioeconomic, educational, cultural, and historical experiences of specific ethnic groups. Filipino Americans have a long, unique history in America meriting a separate examination of their experiences. The purpose of this paper is to examine the historical and social contexts of immigration among Filipino Americans to gain greater insight into current educational patterns and issues.
The comprehensive literature review employs a theoretical framework based on Portes and Rumbaut’s (2001) modes of incorporation adapted by Paik and colleagues (2014) to apply to the specific experiences of Asian immigrants in the U.S. Historical sources are drawn from multiple fields and disciplines including history, sociology, psychology, ethnic studies, and education. Information from U.S. Census Bureau, ethnic-based non-profits and related websites also provided current data on Filipino immigrant communities.
Historically, Filipinos were the only Asian group in the U.S. to experience hostile, indifferent, and receptive policies (Paik et al., 2014). Generally, pre-1965 immigrants encountered more hostile government policies, including banning from property ownership, living in certain neighborhoods, or marrying freely (Lee, 2015). Policies restricting immigration were enacted: a) Tydings-McDuffie Act (1934) granted Philippine independence while imposing annual U.S. immigration quotas to 50 (Takaki, 1998); b) Filipino Repatriation Act of 1935; and, c) Luce-Cellar Act of 1946.
Filipinos did not encounter neutral or receptive government policies until the 1965 Immigration Act, lifting national origins restrictions. The 1965 Immigration Act passage eased Filipino societal reception. They were actively recruited to fill labor shortages in fields like healthcare, science, and engineering (Bankston III, 2006). Conversely, post-1990s immigration trends revealed increasing numbers of low-/semi-skilled workers (Lai & Arguelles, 2004).
Time of arrival also influenced Filipino immigrant experiences within co-ethnic communities. Prior to 1965, Filipinos depended strongly on co-ethnic communities for basic survival (Paik et al., 2014) like Los Angeles’ “Filipinotown” which catered to the community for decades (Lee, 2015). Post-1965 immigrants were more dispersed (Nadal, 2009), often arriving with English fluency, American customs familiarity, and higher education and job skill levels; consequently, they relied less on co-ethnic networks (Paik et al., 2014). Nevertheless, they derived social and cultural support from co-ethnic organizations advancing community welfare (Espiritu, 2003).
While there are high educational attainment and socioeconomic status perceptions of current Filipino immigrants, second generation reported socioemotional adjustment and mental health challenges. This may influence outcomes like education, ethnic identity, etc. (Paik et al., 2014). Research revealed educational attainment disparities, particularly among later generations (Museus & Maramba, 2011). These findings signify levels of acculturation may also influence educational outcomes.
Few studies have examined the immigration experiences of Filipino Americans, and their direct linkages between history and current educational experiences. This historical analysis is a significant contribution to the field in that it provides a perspective that is limited in contemporary educational research (Paik et al., 2014). Moreover, school administrators, policymakers, and researchers may benefit from a thorough understanding of a community’s historical and social context because it may provide greater insight into educational outcomes, trends, and challenges.