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This qualitative study examined teacher-initiated whole-group oral reading practices in two ninth-grade reading classrooms and how teachers understood the purposes of those practices. Although research suggests that certain types of oral reading can be beneficial (Rasinski et al., 2009), unrehearsed reading aloud by students in classrooms is a persistent trend despite evidence that it is not beneficial to students (Ash et al., 2008; AuthorB, 2017). Investigations of how and why teachers rely on oral reading are important to understand students’ opportunities to learn and to inform instructional practices that combat rather than exacerbate educational inequities. Therefore, we drew on Street’s (1984) conceptualization of literacy as ideological social practice to answer two questions:
(1) What were the official whole-group oral reading practices of each classroom?
(2) How did teachers understand the purposes of these practices?
Methods/Data Sources
Both authors engaged in biweekly participant observation (approximately 30 hours, January-June) that included field notes and audio-recordings. AuthorA conducted two interviews with Carla; AuthorB conducted three interviews with Mark. Both authors collected artifacts that were relevant to understanding classroom literacy practices (e.g., handouts). In our cross-case analysis, we used emergent process codes (Saldaña, 2013) to describe the range of literacy practices within the broader oral reading category. Figure 1 illustrates the finalized code list. We further coded across data sources to capture teachers’ reasoning about their practices. We wrote and discussed analytic memos (Saldaña, 2013) to document emerging findings.
Results
In both classrooms, whole-group oral reading occurred for ⅓-½ of class time. In Carla’s classroom, texts consisted of articles from the Read 180 handbook and books from the leveled Read 180 library. Mark had flexibility to choose texts to read aloud in his class. Both teachers relied on whole-group teacher read-alouds as well as student read-alouds, but oral reading was structured differently across these practices and contexts. For example, Carla gave students opportunities to rehearse texts prior to reading aloud; she did not participate as a reader when students read aloud. For Mark, whole-group oral reading was either unplanned (e.g., the teacher called on students), semi-planned (e.g., routinized readings of poems), or pre-planned (e.g., roles were negotiated before reading).
Teachers’ reasons for oral reading were distinct. Carla believed teacher read-alouds were a way to provide access to texts, facilitate literacy engagement, and model comprehension strategies; student read-alouds allowed students to practice oral reading while she assessed their abilities. Mark’s reasons for oral reading were similar across practices and focused on modeling fluent reading and comprehension strategies and providing students with access to—and engagement with— new authors, vocabulary, and text types.
Significance
This study extends literature about the pervasiveness of oral reading to ninth-grade reading classes. It highlights the need for future research to attend to what reading happens with which students in school, for what purposes, and to what ends. Findings emphasize the importance of understanding how and why oral reading happens and the need for teachers to examine their beliefs about oral reading for older readers.