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Seasonal Gentrification, Race, and Education in Asbury Park

Sun, April 19, 2:15 to 4:15pm, Virtual Room

Abstract

This article examines education in Asbury Park, NJ, a shore community literally divided by a railroad track, and the rapid seasonal gentrification on one side of town. In the early 2000s when gentrification accelerated, the racial inequality that structured economic, educational and housing opportunities in Asbury Park from its founding reverberated.

There has been a great deal of attention paid to the impact of gentrification on property taxes, infrastructure, and the preservation of historic properties (Willie, 1998; Vigdor, 2002; Meltzer & Schuetz, 2012). Critics of gentrification rightly highlight the social costs of its effects on political power and quality of life, the resultant policing of people of color, displacement, and destruction of social ties (Smith, 1996; Perez, 2004; Freeman, 2006; Pattillo, 2008). While research into the experiences of young people of color in gentrifying communities remains under-researched, there is an additional dearth of data on seasonal gentrification.

We define seasonal gentrification as the transition of a low-income or working-class community to a middle-class or upper-class second home and vacation destination. These seasonal homes and businesses catering to vacationers are used by in-comers more heavily during certain months of the year, affecting all aspects of community. While there is growing research into how gentrification and neighborhood change influence education (Cucchiara, 2013; Posey-Maddox, 2014, Makris, 2015; Pearman & Swain, 2017), there is limited empirical research into the unique ways seasonal gentrification does.

This paper is part of a larger project exploring the impacts of seasonal gentrification on workforce opportunities and lived experiences. Over two years the research team conducted in-depth interviews, focus groups, and observational research. Participants (N=68) included: community activists, residents, employers, developers, educators, and tourists. Interviews and focus groups were recorded and transcribed for accuracy and all data was jointly coded using an iterative coding process. In this paper, I analyze our findings focused specifically on education.

Seasonal gentrification influences the education of young people in ways that differ from other gentrifying communities. In a seasonally gentrifying community the vast majority of newcomers are not considering raising children in the community or needing the public schools now or at any time. Newcomers do not have much contact with those who utilize the schools and school demographics do not shift. This influences perception of schools, support for funding/taxes, and resources for children.

Developers—a hugely powerful force in any gentrifying community—and business interests use low rankings, high funding, and lack of buy-in to their advantage. It was also not uncommon for participants to mention eliminating the district altogether—“We’d be better if these kids went somewhere else”—and for business owners and developers to support school choice. With accusations of underperforming, overfunding, threats of closure, and increasing charter sector competition it is understandable that residents see gentrification as a threat to local education. As one activist explained, “Gentrification is based on the destruction of a school system and the destruction of the school system did not take place over and like that. It was a long and drawn-out process.”

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