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Objectives
The ideal worker construct, which expects employees to devote all their time to the organization (Bailyn, 2003; Sallee, 2012), underlies the demanding culture and expectations of student affairs (Long, 2014; Marshall, Gardner, Hughes, & Lowery, 2016). These expectations, such as irregular hours and on-call obligations, create a challenging environment for working parents. Despite many contemporary fathers seeking greater parental involvement than previous generations (Cosson & Graham, 2014; Sayer, Bianchi, & Robinson, 2004), work/life balance literature and student affairs practice are primarily focused on working mothers, the assumed primary caregivers (Estes, 2011). In response, this paper offers a case study of 24 fathers in student affairs and their reaction to the ideal worker construct.
Theoretical Framework
To understand the experiences of fathers working in the field, we draw upon Acker’s (1990) work on gendered organizations, which suggests organizations are gendered in five ways. First, organizations are gendered by divisions along gender lines; men are more likely to be senior student affairs officers while women are more likely to be entry-level professionals (Yakaboski & Donahoo, 2011). Second, organizations are gendered through the deployment of symbols and images; the good student affairs professional is expected to be caring and supportive, traits that are frequently coded as feminine (Hamrick & Carlisle, 1990; Yakaboski & Donahoo, 2011). Third, organizations are gendered based upon interactions between and within genders; working fathers are less likely to utilize paternity leave if men coworkers are resistant to it. These three processes lead to the fourth process: individuals’ internalization of gender differences. Finally, Acker (1990) suggested individual differences inform the gendered nature of organizations, or organizational logics. We use Acker’s (1990) framework to interrogate how fathers in student affairs are affected by ideal worker norms that suggest that they serve as breadwinners (Doherty, Kouneski, & Erickson, 1998; Emslie & Hunt, 2009; Sallee, 2012), but simultaneously reward and punish them for being engaged fathers.
Methods
This case study involved interviews with 24 participants working in a range of functional areas and positions. Participants were required to have at least one child under 18 living at home. The majority of participants—21—were White, two were African American, and one was multiracial. Of these participants, 16 identified as straight and 8 as gay/queer fathers.
Results
Participants described the demanding culture of student affairs, which reflects ideal worker norms; yet, many of these fathers subverted norms by creating work/life boundaries, such as leaving campus at a specific time each day, and blurring boundaries by bringing children to work and telecommuting. In making professional adjustments and resisting gender-typical behavior, these fathers challenged organizational logics and were met with both pressure to adhere to the patriarchal status quo and praise for their parental tokenism.
Significance
This paper exposes the underlying inequities and gendered behavior of student affairs, examines the challenging relationship between fatherhood and work, an overlooked topic, and offers recommendations that can move the field toward more equitable conditions for all working parents.
Margaret W. Sallee, University at Buffalo - SUNY
Alyssa Stefanese Yates, Michigan State University
Michael Venturiello, New York University