Paper Summary
Share...

Direct link:

Spanish Literacy for Those Who Need It: Integrating Critical Race Theory and Raciolinguistics

Fri, April 17, 4:05 to 5:35pm, Virtual Room

Abstract

Purpose/Perspectives/Data Sources
In this paper, I demonstrate the value of integrating Critical Race Theory (CRT) and raciolinguistics in the practice of providing Spanish literacy education to Latinx children from Spanish-speaking families. In the question of who are the greatest stakeholders in language education, none are greater than Latinx students, comprising 3.85 of 4.9 million U.S. English Language Learners in 2016 (NCES, 2019).
Raciolinguistics, the theoretical backbone of this research, recognizes the need to bring together linguistics and race and ethnic studies, “foregrounding the role of language in shaping ethnoracial identities” and recognizing race, ethnicity, and language as co-constructed identities (Alim, 2016, p. 5). For U.S. Latinxs, the Spanish language and Spanish-English hybridity are key identifying features that construct them as an ethnoracial group (Rosa, 2016). As such, they encounter violence against their way of being in the white supremacist U.S., particularly in the space of monolingual English classrooms. CRT provides effective tools to analyze and counteract the effects of that violence, particularly through the interest convergence principle, intersectionality, and racial realism. The data for this analysis come from my experience developing a Spanish literacy program for Latinx children.

Methods
This paper analyzes CRT as methodology in developing and administering Spanish literacy education for Spanish speakers. First, interest convergence dictates that whites only support racial progress when it benefits their racial agenda (Delgado & Stefancic, 2001, p. 7). Therefore even bilingual education is promoted as “for all” (for whites), failing to prioritize minoritized language speakers (García, 2001, p. 51-54). This Spanish for heritage speakers (SHS) program responds by providing literacy education tailored for native Spanish speakers, targeting their specific learning needs and advantages instead of catering to white English speakers. Second, intersecting oppressions of racism, classism, language discrimination, and xenophobia uniquely disadvantage Latinx students. Language and immigration status often bar parents from advocating for students, helping with schoolwork, or accessing resources intended for low-income people of color (Crenshaw, 1991). In response, this program works through a migrant rights organization already serving Latin American families’ particular needs. Finally, racial realism argues that “racial equality is, in fact, not a realistic goal” because all U.S. systems, including education, were designed to perpetuate white power (Bell, 1992, p. 363). Therefore, public Spanish-English bilingual education always exists within a structure that deems Spanish as less-than. White English reigns supreme when white English speakers write bilingual education policies in English. Consequently, this SHS program operates outside of that domain, in a space where students can privilege and celebrate Latinx linguistic practices, perspectives, and identities in a manner rarely achieved within public schools.

Findings/Significance
I find that providing Spanish-centric learning for Latinx students, guided by principles of CRT and raciolinguistics, challenges monolingual English norms they learn in public classrooms, as they unlearn choosing English over Spanish in conversation and writing practice. This integrated approach has the power not only to redirect language education research to center Latinxs, but also to radically improve Latinx students’ relationship with their raciolinguistic identities.

Author