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Policymakers often identify low-income Black and Hispanic students in urban districts as targets of school choice policy, under the rationale that school choice can provide these historically disadvantaged student populations with better educational opportunities (Jabbar et al., 2022). A large body of research has studied the dynamics of school choice for low-income and racially minoritized students (Ellison & Aloe, 2019). Relatively little research, however, has considered the racial/ethnic differences in the school choice opportunities and experiences among low-income and racially minoritized students (Bu & Mendenhall, 2022).
In this study, I examine school choice in Detroit and stratification by socioeconomic status (SES), with specific attention to whether and why the patterns of stratification differ between Black and Hispanic students in the city. In general, among low-income and racially minoritized families, SES differences may enable relatively advantaged families to sort into more desirable schools, and schools may try to recruit relatively socioeconomically advantaged students (Hamlin, 2018; Wells et al., 2019). Yet, the extent of these dynamics of stratification may differ systematically by race/ethnicity, for example due to geographically distinct contexts related to racially segregated residential patterns, social or cultural differences between racial/ethnic groups, or differences in school behavior in targeting different racial/ethnic groups. This study answers the following questions: (1) To what extent do patterns of school choice stratification by SES differ for Black and Hispanic students in Detroit? (2) What explains the differences in SES-stratified enrollment patterns between Black and Hispanic students in Detroit?
To answer these questions, I use a sequential mixed-methods research design. First, I use data from a representative survey of Detroit families (N=1,749), which includes detailed SES data and is linked to administrative school enrollment records. I analyze the extent to which Black and Hispanic students are stratified by SES across three different types of schools: neighborhood public schools, charter schools, and selective schools (i.e., application- or exam-based admissions). The second phase draws upon interviews with 54 parents (sampled from survey respondents). I intentionally recruited Black and Hispanic parents at different levels of income: deep poverty (below 50%), poverty (50-100%); above poverty (100-185%); and not “economically disadvantaged” (above 185%). I asked questions to identify how SES differences among Detroit families shape the choices of Black and Hispanic parents. I coded and analyzed the interviews, including a comparative analysis of Black and Hispanic participants.
I find that Black students are more starkly stratified by SES than Hispanic students. Among Black students, neighborhood schools enroll more students in “deep poverty” than charter schools, and application/exam schools enroll a distinctly advantaged group of Black students. Hispanic students, however, are not stratified by SES between neighborhood schools and charters, and Hispanic students who enroll in application/exam schools are not as socioeconomically distinct. These differences are primarily explained by the distinct socio-spatial context for most Hispanic students (i.e., Southwest Detroit) compared to most Black students (i.e., elsewhere throughout the city).