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We live in a politically divisive world where perceptions of U.S. government corruption are often based on one’s partisan identification and partisanship. As a recent example, Democrats and Republicans responded very differently (on average) after Trump supporters stormed the U.S. Capitol with guns (Collins 2021).
Twenty years of research have firmly established that a causal relationship exists between gender and corruption: women, at least in some contexts, are less tolerant of corruption and less willing to engage in it (Wängnerud 2015). The explanation for this relationship is a matter of intensive study. A growing body of research finds that demographic characteristics, particularly gender, are related to individuals’ conceptualization of and perceptions of corruption (see Bauhr & Charron, 2020; Melga et al., 2010). Further, some studies examine the extent that inequality can be related to individuals’ perceptions of corruption (Uslaner, 2008; Rothstein & Uslaner, 2005). These findings could suggest that identity mediates the perception of corruption in a way that ultimately shapes behavior. If true, we might expect other aspects of identity to influence perceptions of, tolerance for, and engagement with corruption for similar reasons.
In this study we seek to broaden the study of how identity beyond gender influences corruption. How do Blacks, Latinxs, Whites and Asian Americans conceptualize corruption in the United States? To what extent are individuals’ racial, ethnic identity and self-reported skin tone related to their perceptions of corruption? Building on research by Wilkinson and Earle (2013) and Uslaner (2008), we posit that a person’s skin tone and racial/ethnic identity is associated with their sociopolitical power and self-perception. We hypothesize that this in turn affects their conceptualization of corruption and perceptions of corruption in government. We rely upon data from the General Social Survey (2000, 2004, 2006, 2014 and 2016) and American National Election Study (2016) to answer our research questions.
Our study makes several empirical and theoretical contributions. First, we measure the effect of racial/ethnic identity on perceived prevalence of corruption in the U.S. over time using large, representative panel data sets. Second, these findings help us to explain how physical characteristics impact their perception of and engagement with government and expands on an already burgeoning literature on gender and corruption by investigating an important potential explanation for that relationship. Lastly, it builds on the theme of the 2021 Annual Meeting of the American Political Science Association by bridging two literatures that are usually not linked: corruption and racial and ethnic politics.
References:
Bauhr, M., & Charron, N. (2020). Do Men and Women Perceive Corruption Differently? Gender Differences in Perception of Need and Greed Corruption. Politics and Governance, 8(2), 92–102. https://doi.org/10.17645/pag.v8i2.2701
Collins, S. (2021, January 10). Americans are divided on whether to remove Trump, according to the polls. Vox. https://www.vox.com/2021/1/10/22222094/trump-impeachment-polls-capitol-hill-riots
Melgar, N., Rossi, M., & Smith, T. W. (2010). The Perception of Corruption. International Journal of Public Opinion Research, 22(1), 120–131. https://doi.org/10.1093/ijpor/edp058
Rose, J. (2015) Corruption and the Problem of Perception. In: Heywood, Paul (Ed.) Routledge Handbook of Political Corruption. Pp.172-182
Rothstein, Bo and Eric M. Uslaner. 2005. \All for all: Equality, corruption, and social trust."
World Politics 58(1):41{72.
Uslaner, Eric M. 2008. Corruption, Inequality, and the Rule of Law. Cambridge University
Press chapter 2: Corruption and the Inequality Trap, pp. 23-57.
Wängnerud, L., 2015. “Gender and corruption.” In Heywood, P.M. ed., Routledge handbook of political corruption. London: Routledge, pp.199-211.
Wilkinson, Betina Cutaia and Emily Earle. 2013. Taking a New Perspective to Latino Racial Attitudes: Examining the Impact of Skin Tone on Latino Perceptions of Commonality with Whites and Blacks. American Politics Research 41(5): 783-818.