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The central argument of the paper is that variations in religious pluralism are the principal source of variations in religion-state relations in the world. Drawing on systematic data on religious pluralism and religion-state relations in 183 countries, the paper explicates this argument in three steps. First, it presents a novel measure of variations in religious pluralism that takes into account both inter-religious differences among, as well as intra-religious differences within, the world’s 18 major religions. Employing data on these 18 major religions from the World Religion Database (www.worldreligiondatabase.org), I create three novel religious pluralism indices (RPIs) to measure (1) inter-religious pluralism (RPIinter), (2) intra-religious pluralism (RPIintra), and (3) total religious pluralism (RPItot) combining RPIinter and RPIintra. These indices represent extensions of the measures of inter-ethnic and intra-ethnic pluralism presented in Scaritt and Mozaffar (1999), Mozaffar, Scarritt and Gailich (2003), and Baker, Scarritt and Mozaffar (2016).
Second, I create a new measure of religion-state relations premised on a multidimensional conception that allows for variations in religion-state relations. Variations in religion-state relation derive from two conceptually distinct sources: (1) constitutional provisions that may proscribe engagement between state and religion, prescribe the monopoly of religion over the state or of the state over religion, or permit variations in the form, process and substance of religion-state engagement; and (2) public policies governing the role of religion in economy, society and politics. Employing data from the Round 3 of the Religion and State dataset (www.religionandstate.org), I create a composite additive index to measure variations in religion-state relations with respect to variations in (a) the constitutional separation of religion and state, (b) the constitutional establishment of a state religion, and (c) government policies concerning religious beliefs and practices, the influence of religion on political, social and economic interactions, state support of religion, and discrimination against minority religions.
Third, the data analysis employs OLS regression with appropriate controls for regional locations, colonial history (where appropriate), linguistic and ethnic diversity, political regimes, and political economy, to sort out the separate, joint and contingent effects of the three RPIs on variations in the indices of religion-state relations. The theory motivating the analysis draws on the comparative social science literature on the impact of social cleavages on political outcomes to clarify the logic behind the expectation that increased religious pluralism leads to increased separation of religion and state. The theory, in particular, stresses the importance of religious pluralism as a key contextual variable that informs the constitutional choice and public policies that foster and sustain varied patterns of religion-state relations. The conclusion highlights the need to move beyond the conception of reflexive homogeneity of religions and associated uniformity of religion-state relations and focus instead on social structural variations and associated political contingencies that underpin variations in religion-state relations in the contemporary world.