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Though numerous studies have discussed the factors hindering women's entry into politics, such hidden factor as 'sextortion' has received no attention in the women and politics literature. Sextortion is defined as extortion of sexual favor in exchange for something a victim seeks to gain (e.g., good grade, employment, promotion, government tender, party nomination, campaign contribution, etc.). It is known as sexual corruption or sexual bribery because sexual activity is a means of bribery. Its corruption component sets it apart from other forms of sexual abuse. Though both men and women become its victims, its targets are mostly women, due to the uneven socio-economic and political power balance between men and women worldwide.
A small number of studies have examined the effects of sextortion on women in educational institutions or workplaces, but no study has examined its impact on women's entry into elective office despite its embeddedness in the electoral process. Its presence in the electoral process is more widespread in sub-Saharan Africa, where gender inequality is more acute. Women must go through multiple steps to win elective office (i.e., decision to run, nomination, fund raising, campaigning, and winning votes). How, then, does sextortion affect each step? Using Tanzania as a case study, this study examines the effects of sextortion on each step women must take to be elected for national and local offices. In Tanzania, women account for more than 30 percent of both parliamentary and district council seats, due to gender quotas. However, they account for less than 10 percent of constituency seats in both parliament (the Bunge) and district councils (the highest local authority). Though our focus is on the effects of sextortion on women's entry into parliament and district councils as constituency (non-quota) members, we also examine its effects on women's entry as special-seat (quota) and appointed members to explore the variation in its effects across the various member categories. This study draws on extensive interviews with female aspirants, former candidates, former and current members of parliament and district councils, as well as non-governmental organizations in Tanzania. To supplement our interview data, we also use survey data from both men and women.