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The long-standing disparities that students from underserved communities face in achieving equal educational opportunities have been a major challenge at all levels of education in the US. Entrenched disparities result in college and postsecondary educational attainment gaps that differentiate wages and salaries and quality of life indicators. One way to improve affordability and accessibility is to ensure that eligible students complete the Free Application for Federal Student Aid (FAFSA), which is a gateway to federal, state, and college-based financial aid for postsecondary education (Kofoed, 2017; McKinney & Novak, 2015).
Despite the importance and benefits of the FAFSA, far too few students are taking this crucial step due, in part, to the complexity of the application form and the administrative burden imposed by the verification process (Bettinger at al. 2012; Castleman & Page, 2016; Kofoed, 2017). The FAFSA applications process can impose learning costs (i.e., problems identifying information about the program, eligibility criteria, the nature and types of aid, etc.), psychological costs (i.e., dealing with emotional and psychological stresses during the process as well as concerns about debt), and compliance costs (i.e., challenges in following administrative requirements) (Moynihan et al. 2015).
Administrative burdens can reinforce inequalities by disproportionately hurting disadvantaged groups (Herd & Moynihan, 2018). According to the National Center for Education Statistics (2018), 34% of Hispanic students and 27% of Black students did not complete a FAFSA due to lack of knowledge and information about how to complete it, compared to 18% of White students. High schools serving lower income communities, compared to schools serving higher income communities or private high schools, typically provide students with fewer resources and support to help them make informed decisions about paying for college (McKinney & Novak, 2015; Perna, 2008). Lower-income students are especially vulnerable to learning and compliance costs because they are unaware of available financial aid for college or because they often lack information, resources, and/or support necessary to successfully navigate the complex application process (Herd & Moynihan, 2018; McKinney & Novak, 2015; Perna, 2008).
In addition to redesigning the policy and program to eliminate unnecessary requirements, another approach for easing burdens may focus on improving potential applicants’ awareness and reducing learning and psychological costs through various communication campaigns. While a number of communication campaigns to increase FAFSA completions have been executed, our understanding of the impact of different types of persuasive arguments designed to reduce the administrative burden that hinders application completion is limited. Using a survey experiment, our research aims to investigate the impact of persuasive communication strategies on helping to lessen the perceived learning and psychological costs related to FAFSA application, particularly among underserved communities. Our sample will include US adults without a college degree who have expressed that they are considering further educational opportunities.
Informed by the theory of planned behavior (TPB), we will examine whether different communication strategies regarding the FASFA application process can promote (1) positive attitudes and expectancies about the financial aid program (i.e., reducing psychological costs), (2) subjective norms related to education and participation in government programs (i.e., reducing psychological costs) (3) increased understanding of the process and one’s ability to navigate it (i.e., reducing learning and psychological costs), and (4) further information seeking and application intentions. Successfully delivered communication are expected to reduce the perceived administrative burden and, in turn, increase the awareness of FAFSA and behavioral intentions to complete the application. Social-cognitive theory (Bandura, 1989) and the information-motivation-behavioral skills model (Fisher & Fisher, 1992) also imply that communications will successfully model behavioral choices when they increase recipients’ perceptions that they acquired relevant knowledge and skills to conduct the behavior and they are capable of implementing the behavior. Furthermore, considering the disparities regarding awareness about FAFSA, we suggest that the effect of different communication strategies might be most pronounced among those who report a low level of knowledge about FAFSA. We also examine how positive framing (gain-framed message) and negative framing (loss-framed message) differently affect the perceived learning and psychological costs for FAFSA completion.
The findings will provide theoretical and practical insights into effective communication message strategies to reduce perceived administrative burdens, and potentially increase program participation.