How Familial Habitus Shapes Undergraduate Student Outcomes: The Case of Women Science and Technology Majors in Ethiopia

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  In Special Session: Gender & Race Studies - Group B

Proposal

Note: I confirm that I am a recent graduate (I completed my Ph.D. degree in Spring 2018).

Objective of Research and Main Research Question

Amongst African nations, Ethiopia is a unique case in many respects. The country has the second largest population on the continent, is currently experiencing an economic boom, and is a relatively stable nation in the geopolitically volatile “Horn of Africa” region. In the past two decades, the higher education sector in Ethiopia has experienced rapid growth, as evidenced by an increase in both student enrollment and the number of universities. Amongst the various types of higher education institutions, public universities are especially important because they receive the greatest financial support from the Ministry of Education. Moreover, science and technology programs are uniquely situated within the public higher education system because 70% of public university students are required to study a science or technology discipline. Despite increased student enrollment, a rise in the number of institutions, and an increased focus on science and technology in education policy, women remain starkly underrepresented in these fields. This article explores the experiences of women in undergraduate science and technology programs by asking the question: what role does familial habitus (as defined by McDonough, 1994) play in the persistence of women in undergraduate science/technology majors at public Ethiopian universities?

Postcolonial feminism and the “Circles of Progression Model” from Jama, Mapesela, and Beylefeld (2008) are used throughout this work to inform the literature review, data collection, analysis, and recommendations. The undergirding principle of postcolonial feminist theory is that the female body is manipulated, abused, and undervalued. Women’s bodies are often used for maintaining the wellbeing of men (Lewis & Mills, 2003) and are subjected to hyper-sexualization (Mjaaland, 2016; Nanda, 1995; Puri, 2002). Women’s bodies are not treated with the same respect as men’s bodies (Garuba, 2002; Katrak, 2006; Mjaaland, 2016). However, since there is not a singular definition of what exactly Woman is, the circumstances of women’s oppressions cannot be singular. In Ethiopian society, gender is a fundamental social construct. Patriarchy is deeply embedded in Ethiopian culture and resistance against this type of oppression must be culturally responsive if it is going to be effective. In this work, postcolonial feminist theory is used as the primary theoretical framework because it allows us to consider the socio-cultural context of Ethiopian life.

Research Design

To address this research question, an exploratory sequential mixed methods study design was used. First, phenomenological qualitative data was collected (in the form of 14 participant interviews) and analyzed. Methodologically, I met with each participant three times and used a semi-structured interview protocol that asked women about their milestones in education in pursuit of an undergraduate degree. All Interviewees were current students or alumni of one of three public universities in Ethiopia (Addis Ababa University, Bahir Dar University, and Hawassa University). Next, a quantitative data collection instrument (a survey) was designed using results garnered from the qualitative data. The quantitative instrument was distributed nationally and was completed by 204 respondents. The bulk of women who took the survey were current students/alumni of Addis Ababa University, studied engineering, and had an average GPA of 2.98 overall.. It is important to note that—as a sequential study design—the interviewees and survey respondents represent different samples.

Results and Evidence

In terms of results, the most consequential finding was that the familial habitus that a woman had access to was a often associated with her persistence. In this group of participants, women’s outlooks and beliefs about science/technology education and careers was shaped by the expectations and aspirations of their family members. Not only did many respondents have at least one university-educated parent, many also had multiple university-educated siblings that could model university education for them. For instance, Abigail, Nardos, Netsi, and Sewit (pseudonyms) were the youngest in families of multiple children. These youngest siblings also had at least one sibling that acquired an undergraduate degree in Ethiopia. This immediate access they had to educated family members meant that they could benefit from the culminated knowledge about higher education and the science/technology careers that their siblings had gained. The prominence of this factor is also seen in quantitative results: women who had at least one university-educated parent or sibling had statistically significant different perceptions about various aspects of their education experience, including: the availability of people in their families who they can talk to about science and technology careers; the adequacy of course materials in high school; and sense of preparedness for university curriculum.

Author

• Meseret F. Hailu, The Ohio State University