Chinese International Graduate Students’ Racial Dynamics During US-China Geopolitical Tensions

• In Event: Digital and distance education: International students in the globalized world of politics

Proposal

Scholars have critiqued the uneven and hierarchical relationship between Western higher education institutions and international students. This uneven relationship has caused international students to be considered “intellectually unequal,” objects, and ATM machines (Hayes, 2019; Stein & de Andreotti, 2016; Hou & Alma, 2020). Yet, the neoliberalism and neocolonialism of higher education, the COVID-19 pandemic as well as US-China geopolitical tensions have complicated Chinese international students’ lives as they experience unique dynamics in their formal and informal learning environments, specifically racial dynamics.
When President Trump took the office, he articulated a National Security Strategy report, which proposed to put Americans first by revitalizing the economy, rebuilding their military, defending borders, and protecting sovereignty (The White House, 2017). In addition, U.S. official claims that the majority of Chinese international students study in the United States for legitimate purposes and as spies to steal American secrets (Cohen & Marquardt, 2019).
This paper draws attention to the influence of the “global imaginary,” COVID-19 pandemic, and geopolitical tensions on Chinese international graduate students studying in their formal and informal learning environments. This study aims to answer the following research questions: What racial dynamics have Chinese international graduate students encountered while studying in the US? How do “global imaginary,” the COVID-19 pandemic, and geopolitical tensions shift racial dynamics?
Theoretical Framework
Neoracism (Lee, 2006) is used as the theoretical framework to help uncover racial dynamics that Chinese international students have encountered. Neoraicm is defined as racism based on one’s skin color, culture, and national origin (Lee, 2006; Lee & Rice, 2007; Spear, 1999). It is a framework to “explore structural racism in the context of immigration where race, culture, and nationality interact complexly to produce a hierarchy of social positions” (Cantwell & Lee, 2010, p. 497). Like global imaginary, neoracism is deeply rooted in systemic racism and white supremacy (Lee, 2020; Stein & de Andreotti, 2016). International students from Global South are more likely to experience discrimination, verbal insults, and even physical violence compared with international students from Global North, which as Canada or Australia (Lee & Rice, 2007; Lee et al., 2017). For example, Chinese students are more likely to be considered spies to steal American secrets and intellectual property (Lee, 2020).
Neoracism is new racism that is based on cultural hierarchies (Lee, 2020). It takes the forms of stereotypes, confrontations, discrimination, and verbal/physical attacks. For example, Asian students specifically are viewed as a model minority – hardworking and intelligent at school (Cvencek et al., 2014; Lee & Joo, 2005; Park et al., 2006). This claim assumes that all Asians are equally intelligent and successful without consideration of differences in regard to their region of origin, cultural capital, or individual differences (Wu, 2002). Furthermore, this claim makes some Asian people who are not so-called intelligent have shameful and low self-esteem (Li, 1994).
Method
Research Design
This study used narrative inquiry methodology (Clandinin & Connelly, 2000) with a social constructivst research paradigm (Denzin & Lincoln, 2018), which seeks to understand the racial dynamics that Chinese international graduate students have encountered in their formal and informal learning environments. The constructivist philosophy claims that learning not only happens in the classroom but also occurs when learners discover and construct knowledge through experimentation and doing (Doğru & Kalender, 2007). Learning is embedded in “realistic and relevant contexts” (Honebein, 1996, p. 11).
Data Collection
The study used semi-structured interviews to ensure informal and flowing conversations with participants. Three-phase interviews were conducted with each participant via Zoom due to the COVID-19 pandemic. The interview questions focused on participants’ experiences, specifically if they are being targeted, discriminated against, or excluded in their formal and informal learning environments. Furthermore, journal entries were also used in the study to provide the opportunity for participants to add follow-up thoughts. Six participants were recruited, but the study would only focus on three participants’ narratives due to word limit.
Data Analysis
I used the following approaches to analyze the data: 1) take field texts during the interview and write highlights and summary immediately after completing each interview; 2) use broadening, burrowing, and restorying coding to identify what is happening in the data; 3) create categories with axial coding; 4) use narrative coding to feature narrators’ voices and stories for interpretation. The data analysis aims to find patterns and themes of Chinese international graduate students’ racial dynamics.
Findings
Hai’s experiences have been shaped by cultural, political, and historical contexts. US-China geopolitical tensions have influenced Hai’s experience in the United States. From the American’s perspective, Hai is from the enemy country. The countries’ relationships will affect their personal relationship. Hai described that sometimes he felt “怪怪的” [weird]. He further explained the weirdness:
In class or outside of class, people chat with me about China. They don’t say China is good. Don’t you think that is weird, especially when you are in a place where many people consider your country an enemy? When they talk about your country, they tend not to say how good your country is, but all from a negative point of view.
The pandemic has worsened participants’ experiences by impacting their physical and mental health. Participants chose to limit their social activities because of the fear of getting viruses and/or whether others were comfortable being with them. For example, Xue stated that he never asked others to hang out or have dinner during the COVID-19 pandemic because he was not sure if others were comfortable with it. Yingcai fought back against social media posts about Asian/Chinese people being virus and eating dogs.
Conclusions
This study highlights that Chinese international students’ experiences are heterogeneous. The study provides a few implications for higher education. It shows the importance of listening to students’ voices and needs and providing humanized support to them.

Author

• Minghui Hou, Old Dominion University