Dalit Identity, Quotas, and the Role of Protests

• In Event: Protest, the Digital and Social Change

Proposal

In an interview conducted by the BBC News channel (2020), one of the interviewees, Yoshica Dutt, shared what it means to be a Dalit woman: “It felt like I was dragging the carcass of my identity on my back and it was heavy…”. This sentiment reflects the plight of the Dalits, formerly “untouchables,” who lie at the bottom of the Indian caste hierarchy. The caste system, often presented as an “ancient” practice, is a reality in contemporary India and other parts of the world (BBC News, 2023; Satyanarayana, 2014). To redress the social and economic injustices faced by the Dalits and other marginalized groups, the Indian government introduced the quota or reservation system in the 1950s, which led to significant social mobility and political representation for the marginalized groups (Lee, 2021). However, the reservations in educational institutions, legislative and government bodies also make the beneficiaries “hypervisible,” and therefore, more susceptible to discrimination and exclusion (Singh, 2021). Hence, the quotas are counterproductive because they often exacerbate Dalits’ marginalization. The upper caste members humiliate and shun the Dalits as “quota guy[s]” (Maurya, 2018). Under these circumstances, Dalit protests and the act of protestation provide significant counterbalancing forces that allow them to find their agency and to redefine, strengthen, and dignify their identities.

Dalit Identity
In India, caste identity is of greater significance for the higher than the lower caste members due to the caste-status association and subsequently, they define the hierarchical boundaries (Sankaran et al., 2017). This is relevant, considering casteism is the raison d'être for discriminating against the lower castes. Unlike other communities who want to protect and strengthen their identities, the Dalits hide and erase their identities to escape their predicament (Lukose, 2006). While some members convert to other religions (Thorat & Joshi, 2020), others erase their surnames (and use initials) to conceal their caste identity (Lukose, 2006). Other researchers reveal that Dalits prioritize national identity over their social and ethnic identities to gain social status (Charnysh et al., 2015). However, this approach could compromise unique characteristics of the diverse groups and fail to address their dehumanization.

Hence, Dalit identity continues to be susceptible. The different monikers of the SCST and OBC members over the years-- Depressed Classes, Harijans, Dalits -- reflect the groups’ identity crisis. Ironically, the “ideology of purity and pollution” is so deep amongst the lower castes that they internalized their subordination and willingly comply with the system (Desai & Dubey, 2012). Consequently, the Dalits often demonstrate self-devaluation-- a trait often perpetuated by their family members who believe their low status is “legitimate, fate-based, or God-made” (Maurya, 2018, p. 30).

Impact of Quotas
Incontrovertibly, quotas increase marginalized groups’ access to educational opportunities and social mobility (Deshpande & Ramachandran, 2019). However, the reservation benefits often hide the challenges faced by the Dalits and negotiations necessary in redefining their identities. Although some researchers argue that quotas do not reify caste hierarchies (Lee, 2021), they endure and are strong measures of social status and identity (Charnysh et al., 2015). Dalit students face contempt and differential treatment in educational settings and are perceived to be incompetent, resulting in their low participation in universities, especially in the science fields (Maurya, 2018; Paliwal, 2023). Furthermore, Dalit youths’ achievements are attributed to the quota privileges (Maurya, 2018) and they are shunned by prospective employers (Jeffrey et al., 2004). Devi and Ray (2021) demonstrate that the “educated” status of the Dalits cannot alleviate their precariousness as the existing system only reproduces inequities. In the political context, despite increased representation, elected Dalit leaders often fail to uphold the rights and interests of their people (Breiner, 2020; Jensenius, 2015).

Hence, the top-down quota system further weighs down the Dalits with the “imposed identity” of being beneficiaries. Especially, the embodied nature of discrimination against the Dalits (Gorringe & Rafanell, 2007) remain unresolved. Without properly understanding the quota ideology, the upper caste members weaponize the system to present themselves as the victims. They often deny that Dalits are discriminated against and contend that quotas deprive more meritorious individuals of their “rightful” educational and professional opportunities (Maurya, 2018).

Dalit Protests
Given the inadequacy of quotas to eradicate the deeply entrenched social practices, it is imperative to seek alternative means of addressing the inequities. Grassroots Dalit protests provide avenues to fight for social and “caste” justice and to recreate humanized Dalit identity. Dalit activism has brought their human rights violation to the forefront (Bob, 2006; Rao, 2015). Marginalized Dalit voices have found outlet through literary works, movies, different art forms, and protests (Satyanarayana, 2014). Despite the controversies surrounding Dalit protests, especially violence in the past (Gorringe, 2006), they can subvert the deficit perspective of their identity and recreate one that embodies assertiveness, solidarity, self-respect, and pride (Satyanarayana, 2014). Above all, instead of seeking erasure, Dalits become change agents for “the existing equations of caste power” (Satayanarayana, p. 52).

Yet, the question remains, “Why protests have been inadequate in changing the status quo?” Despite numerous grassroots social movements, collective action or community mobilization is rare. Satyanarayana (2014) shows how isolated pockets of social movements have successfully engaged the communities and worked with the government to reform quota policies. Hence, more concerted efforts can ensure that communities get involved in the fight for social and “caste” justice. Protests can also educate people about quotas and reduce antagonism toward Dalits.

Conclusion
The analysis reveals that quotas unintentionally allow the upper caste members to present themselves as victims and the marginalized classes as recipients of undue privileges. It highlights how Dalit protests are imbued with the power to manifest more humanized, assertive, and confident identities and to educate the public about their rights. In the Indian and international context, it is imperative for researchers to analyze the complex relationship between reservation policies and identity formation and the role of protests in empowering marginalized identities. I expect that this topic will generate significant discussion among the CIES 2024 conference attendees, which will help me carry the research forward.

Author

• Sharmistha Barat, The Pennsylvania State University