“Small Fish in Big Ponds”: Self-Construction of Bottom Students in a Chinese Elite High School

• In Event: Cultural Arts, Identity, and Employability Skills: Exploring Youth Development in Diverse Educational Spaces

Proposal

Existing research on elite high schools focus on institutional levels and pay little attention to the inner world of students. Students' feelings and perceptions must be taken into account because school is not just a place where students learn academic content and skills (Bettie, 2003; Eckert, 1989; Fine, 1991; Nasir & Hand, 2006); ''it is also a place where they develop a sense of what kind of people they are, where they belong in this world, what they are capable of and entitled to, and what they can expect in the future'' (Nygreen, 2013, p.9). Exploring the self-construction of bottom students in a Chinese elite high school provides insight into the meaning of attending such a school from a personal perspective. It encourages reconsideration of the historical and systemic influences on school climate and student identities, addressing potential educational injustices.
Elite schools in China, often referred to as key public schools, benefit from priority funding, experienced teachers, and a supportive peer environment. They were designated as elite schools due to policy decisions during China's reform and opening-up in the 1970s, aimed at improving the country's education, science, and technology. Over the past three decades, growing concerns about educational equity have led to legislation prohibiting these schools at the compulsory education level, though these restrictions do not apply to high schools. Enrollment in elite high schools is largely based on High School Entrance Examination (HSEE) scores. So, the bottom students in this study are those marginally admitted due to their relatively low HSEE scores, but this does not mean they remain at the bottom throughout high school.
Self-concept is a person's perception of himself, shaped by environmental reinforcements and significant others (Shavelson et al., 1976). Sociological studies provide complex understandings of students' self-construction in elite high schools and find that they developed an elite conception of themselves and privilege became intrinsic to their identity (Demerath, 2009; Gaztambide-Fernandez, 2009; Howard, 2008). Research also show that there is a sense of unease among students in certain groups of elite high schools (Halabi & Shoshana, 2024; Halvorsen, 2022). They maintain an attitude of striving. Marsh et al. reveal that attending a school with high average achievement simultaneously provides students a more demanding basis of comparison for one's own accomplishments and a source of pride (Marsh & O’Mara, 2010; Marsh & Parker, 1984; Marsh et al., 2000; Marsh, 1993). Howard (2010) emphasizes that the way students construct themselves is not as what they have, but as who they are (Howard, 2010).
Given the scarcity of private schools and limited school choice in contrast to the growing trend globally, middle- and working-class parents in China often send their children, who score at the cutoff point on the HSEE, to elite high schools for a better education, despite the risk of their academic ranking dropping significantly. These students resemble small fish in a big pond, experiencing complex cognition and diverse learning experiences compared to traditionally privileged elite students. So, the question is that how students initially without academic advantage construct themselves as an aspect of their identities in a Chinese elite high school.
This study employs qualitative research methods, specifically narrative inquiry. Purposive sampling is used to recruit participants for this study based on the two criteria: The student's ranking in the High School Entrance Examination placed them in the bottom quartile of their cohort at T-School. Additional participants were recruited based on background information such as gender, class, and subjects studied in high school (meeting the first criterion). Data collection involves obtaining field texts through semi-structured and in-depth interviews, each lasting over an hour. Follow-up questions and clarifications are addressed using social networking platforms to contact the participants.The analysis of the interview texts employs the narrative inquiry methodology, focusing on three commonplaces: temporality, sociality, and place (Clandinin, 2015).
The results show that the dual identities of being elite and inferior intertwined within students over time. Initially, they were proud of attending elite high school, confident in their abilities, and optimistic about their future careers. As they settled in, however, they began to worry about their academic performance in comparison to their peers. Within a few months, they felt pressured by loads of homework and exams, frustrated by teachers who looked down on them, and ashamed when ranked with the whole school, yet, they believed that they were the top in the county.
They eagerly made score-oriented decisions to turn around unfavorable situations. When the school transitioned from traditional to online instruction during the COVID-19 outbreak, Wu showed slight improvements in academic performance due to good digital adaptability. He cherished that period and eagerly sought similar opportunities to excel. In their second year of high school, most of the students in the sample chose arts subjects, underestimating their abilities and ignoring their interests. They believed these subjects were easier, would yield better scores, and increase their chances of being admitted to a prestigious university.
The aggressive atmosphere led to privatized responsibility and alienated interactions among them. Teachers at T-School cared about collective achievement as a class. They seated high-achieving students with low-achieving ones to facilitate peer support. However, this arrangement did not alleviate feelings of inferiority among the latter. When the sample students underperformed, they tended to blame themselves for not trying hard enough, reflecting on their perceived moral failings. In order to minimise distractions and maintain focus, teachers strictly controlled students' hairstyles, dress, extracurricular activities, and so on. The aggressive school climate also strained peer relationships, as everyone acted only toward academic performance and judged each other by their grades. Consequently, the sample students at T-school all struggled and compromised in their academic and social lives.
The study contributes to the understanding of the self-concept and reveals the process of identity formation in terms of perceptions and actions towards the self. It encourages reconsideration of historical and systemic influences on school climate and student development.

Author

• Hairong Zhang, East China Normal University