Examining the educational consequences of the West African diaspora.

• In Event: Educational Leadership and Outcomes

Proposal

Examining the educational consequences of the West African Diaspora
Abstract
This qualitative research investigated the first and second-generation diaspora of West Africa and also examined if there were differences between the two generations. The goal was that if such differences exist, it will help plan the learning experience for students with similar backgrounds. The research used in-depth, open-ended interview questions to collect data for analysis. Forty-one participants were interviewed, and they provided personal insight into the first and second-generation West African immigrants' attitudes to education and the differences between them. The participants included university professors, nurses, K-12 teachers, attorneys, and housewives who reside in Los Angeles County in Southern California. The data the participants provided were coded, analyzed, and categorized. The data showed a positive view of education, the economic value of education, respect for authority, religious beliefs influencing attitude, parental involvement, and the importance of working hard. First and second-generation West African immigrants further claim that their school success results from academic diligence, a positive and respectful attitude, non-confrontational behavior, and family and community support, all consistent with John Ogbu’s (1998) research. The research used the topics from the interview to categorize prominent themes the participants articulated. The percentage of the participants that mention the importance of education shows how views about education continue to be dominant and appear to drive attitudes about education in West African communities. Key findings included the belief that going to school was a plausible way out of poverty, education is the pillar of all success, and turning negative stereotypes into assets by embracing education and attitudes related to achievement.
This research highlights some of the challenges first- and second-generation West Africans face in school. They face the dual polar-opposite realities of over-expectation of their abilities in the classroom on the one hand and the other hand, condescension of their being and abilities that may be rooted in prejudice motivated by animosity towards their racial group. This knowledge could benefit teachers and administrators to confront this incompatible duality, evaluate how their curriculum addresses the discrepancy, and reflect on possible strategies to ensure equity, respect, and equal accountability for teachers and their students.
The theoretical framework used for this study is this author’s adaptation of Ogbu’s (1998) interpretation of the cultural-ecological theory (CET) (see Figure 1). Although Ogbu argues in his research that minority school performance cannot be explained only through the prism of culture, CET uses culture to explain differences in school performance.
Essentially, the cultural-ecological theory posits that although racial discrimination and structural problems like poverty and inequality are negatively affecting the educational achievement of minorities, they are not determinative because some minorities with similar challenges overcome similar obstacles and are successful in school (Gilbert, 2009). According to Ogbu and Simons (1998), cultural-ecological theory on minority school performance relies on two major components: the system and community forces (see Appendix A). The system deals with how society treats minorities in school, compensates for academic achievements, and how educational policies impact minorities in society. Community forces refer to immigrants' sociocultural adaptation strategies to ensure school success. Community forces were central in Ogbu’s theory as a mitigation strategy to dilute the stress of being a minority (see Appendix B). I have considered this argument as I attempt to examine first and second-generation West African immigrants’ attitudes towards school. But I paid more attention to the unique role community forces play in the success of West African immigrant groups and how they deploy them. In the process, I examined the concept of attitude because of its centrality in this research. Also, the discussion on attitude may offer clarification in understanding the views of the interview respondents in this research.
According to my research, community forces are not just sociocultural adaptive strategies; they are human structures and instruments that help actualize those adaptations. They are community resources. Community forces are not bits and pieces of resources, values, or processes that are activated independently. Instead, I see community forces as a box of survival tools that work symbiotically and at the disposal of the immigrant to ensure the individual’s success in the face of a hostile environment. Centrally, understanding community forces, how they work, and their potency rests on knowing the background of the people of West Africa. Lastly, my theoretical framework of community forces dwells on the mechanisms and ecosystem that activate the behaviors to deal with the challenges. They are protective mechanisms.
This study utilized purposeful sampling, a staple of qualitative research. The following criteria were set for selecting participants:
● All participants were 18 or older.
● The participants traced their direct ancestry to West Africa within the past two generations.
● All the participants lived in Los Angeles County.
The research sample included 41 individuals living in Los Angeles County (See Table 5 below). Many West Africans in the U.S. call Los Angeles County home. The County also boasts of many socio-cultural, linguistic, and ethnic-based associations from the diverse populations of West Africans. Some participants belong to unincorporated associations that benefit their communities, for example, local Christian churches whose congregations are predominantly immigrants from West Africa. Other participants were adherents of the Islamic faith from West Africa.
The main data sources for this qualitative research were standardized open-ended semi-structured interviews. The interviews lasted between 45 to 60 minutes. Some interviews were conducted face-to-face at a location most convenient to the participant, the participant’s home, or a public restaurant. Some interviews were conducted over the phone when logistical problems could not permit face-to-face meetings. The themes for the interview questions were derived from readings during the literature review process. The research questions were field-tested with five individuals from immigrant families. These individuals, two males and three females from the first and second generations, were not from West Africa but shared other requirements for this research. All the interviews were recorded and followed the protocol (see Appendix E).
Keywords: West African immigrants, first-generation, second-generation, diaspora, community forces, attitude, education.

Author

• Toby Madubuko, Los Angeles Unified School District