Search
Browse By Day
Browse By Time
Browse By Person
Browse By Room
Browse By Committee or SIG
Browse By Session Type
Browse By Keywords
Browse By Geographic Descriptor
Search Tips
Personal Schedule
Change Preferences / Time Zone
Sign In
In China, migrant workers (i.e., internal migrants from rural to urban areas) and their children (called migrant children) suffer from cruel socio-economic realities, including economic stress, unstable living environments, cultural differences, and discrimination, among many others (Chen & Qu, 2021; Guo et al., 2023). These socio-economic stressors are found to be significantly associated with depression among migrant children. Hence, social-emotional learning (SEL) programs have been introduced in China to target migrant children’s psychosocial needs. However, the indigenization (Ferguson, 2005) of Western programs in the Global South bears the risk of intensifying Global North-South power differences, suppressing Chinese understanding of emotion and social relations, and leading to epistemic injustice (Zhao, 2020).
This research examines the opportunities and challenges of decolonizing Chinese SEL programs through a case study. Using qualitative methods, I analyzed the experiences of curriculum developers and volunteer facilitators in creating indigenized SEL curricula for migrant children at an educational NGO (SS) in Shanghai. Local practitioners were selected as subjects due to their influence on children’s development, which was shaped by local culture (Anderson-Levitt, 2003). Escobar’s (2012) decolonial framework was applied to understand how the indigenization process is adapted to the needs of Chinese migrant children.
The preliminary research findings show that the indigenization of the current SS SEL program is only partially decolonial. Decolonial aspects are visible through combining Western SEL topics with Chinese-specific ones, contributing to developing a “transcultural between-world reality” (Trinh, 1991, p.160) between China and the West. A fundamental principle in SS’s indigenization relies on classroom interactions as the primary knowledge source, allowing for culturally responsive “alternative knowledge” (Escobar, 2012, p.223). However, some content, like the Western concept of “self,” is frequently incorporated into curriculum and instruction without contextualization, making it difficult (and uncomfortable sometimes) for students to grasp. This reflects the program’s entrenchment in the Western paradigm (Yan & Tsang, 2010) without rendering “different... cultural-historical experiences...mutually intelligible” (Escobar, 2012, p.xx). Furthermore, there is insufficient focus on the root causes of Chinese migrant children’s social-emotional issues, particularly the lack of parent-related content – despite parent-related social-emotional issues being prevalent due to traditional Chinese parenting styles and migrant-worker parents’ economic burdens. Finally, trending internet slang in China (like “emo” for “emotional” and “Pofang” meaning “defense broken”) have gone viral on social media, replacing traditional emotional vocabulary and affecting migrant children’s social-emotional well-being, showing that their source of emotion knowledge is rooted in digital culture. This research thus proposes that indigenizing the SEL program must consider digital culture as a critical part of migrant children’s cultural context.
The preliminary findings of this research may enhance SS practitioners’ understanding of the SEL program’s indigenization for Chinese migrant children in culturally responsive ways. As a case study, the SS SEL program’s decolonization process offers transferable insights for other NGOs in Shanghai and recommendations for future program development. Future research could explore the interplay of NGOs, the Chinese Ministry of Education, and schools in promoting SEL programs, providing a more comprehensive understanding of the indigenization process in China.