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Introduction and Literature Review
Education is often viewed as a process through which students are sorted into their future careers (Bishop 1998; Collins 1992). As individuals translate their educational credentials into labor market opportunities, the first jobs they obtain often play a path-setting role (Blau & Duncan 1967; Haller & Portes 1973; Rosenfeld 1992). Yet, the education individuals receive does not always align with the requirements of their initial positions. Those experiencing vertical mismatch, and particularly over-education, face wage penalties, higher turnover, and greater psychological distress than their well-matched peers (Nordin et al. 2010; Choi and Hur 2020; Zheng et al. 2024).
Vertical mismatch is not only an individual outcome but also embedded in processes of intergenerational reproduction. Parental education represents cultural capital that supports children’s navigation of educational systems and labor markets (Bourdieu 1984; Torche 2011). Better-educated parents not only transmit skills but also foster aspirations and job search strategies that reduce the risk of mismatch. Additionally, parents may channel children into industries similar to their own, transmitting sector-specific knowledge and networks (Zang et al. 2024). These parent-influenced decisions made in early life have lasting consequences, as Industrial sectors differ markedly in mobility and income opportunities (Li 2019; Osburn 2000), and switching across industries is less common than job changes within sectors (Kambourov & Manovskii 2008).
Vertical mismatch is a pressing issue in China, where rapid expansion of higher education since the 1990s and significant structural transformation of the labor market have intensified these challenges. The oversupply of degree holders relative to college-level jobs has increased the prevalence of over-education, particularly among younger cohorts (Li 2010; Wang and Li 2017).
This study investigates how parental resources shape education–occupation vertical mismatch in first jobs in China, with attention to changes across cohorts. We ask: 1) How does the prevalence of education–occupation mismatch in first jobs, including over-education and under-education, vary across cohorts and industries in China? 2) How does the likelihood of education–occupation vertical mismatch in respondents’ first jobs vary according to parental education and parent–child industry alignment? And 3) Do these associations change across cohorts?
Data and Methods
This study draws on data from the China Family Panel Studies (CFPS), a nationally representative longitudinal survey conducted biennially since 2010. The CFPS provides rich information on family background, education, and employment, offering a unique opportunity to examine intergenerational processes in school-to-work transitions. Our analytic sample includes 16,829 respondents who reported on their first full-time job, covering birth cohorts from 1961 to 2004.
The dependent variable measures the vertical match between respondents’ highest educational attainment and the self-reported minimum credential requirement of their first job. Outcomes are coded as well-matched, overeducated, or undereducated. Parental education is measured in years of schooling for both fathers and mothers, while intergenerational industry reproduction is coded based on whether respondents entered the same industry as their father’s or mother’s main job sector.
We estimate multinomial logistic regression models predicting vertical mismatch, with well-matched as the reference group. Key predictors include parental education and parent–child industry alignment, with controls for respondent gender, education, cohort, rural–urban residence, province fixed effects, and industry fixed effects. To assess temporal dynamics, we interact birth cohort with the main predictors to evaluate how these relationships evolve across generations.
Findings
Descriptive patterns reveal the growing prevalence of mismatch. Across all respondents, 40% reported well-matched, 15% undereducated, and 45% overeducated for their first jobs. Cohort differences are notable: over-education rises from roughly 40% among the 1960s–70s cohorts to 54% in the 2000s cohort, while under-education falls from nearly 20% to just over 10%. These trends reflect both the expansion of higher education and the saturation of college-level jobs. Variation also emerges by industry: finance and education show higher rates of over-education, while agriculture and manufacturing show lower rates.
Regression analyses highlight the importance of family background. Children of more educated parents are more likely to secure jobs that align with their schooling, suggesting that cultural capital may aid the translation of credentials into employment. These effects are strongest among the youngest cohorts. Parental education also occasionally increases the likelihood of under-education, implying that advantaged children can access desirable jobs even without meeting formal credential requirements.
Industry inheritance also matters. Respondents who enter the same industry as their fathers are significantly less likely to be overeducated, indicating the role of sector-specific knowledge and networks. The effect of mother–child industry matching, however, is not significant, likely due to lower female labor force participation in older cohorts and potentially gendered segmentation of industries. Industry matching has also become more influential in recent cohorts, suggesting that as credential inflation intensifies, family-based sectoral advantages increasingly shield children from mismatch.
Discussion and Conclusion
Over-education has become increasingly common in China’s labor market, particularly among younger cohorts entering jobs after higher education expansion. Yet, the risks of education-occupation mismatch are not equally distributed: Both parental education and industry inheritance reduce the likelihood of over-education, and the effects are stronger for recent cohorts.
Our findings extend research on school-to-work transitions in three ways. First, they demonstrate that over-education is not merely a consequence of educational expansion but is structured by family background. Parental education and industry inheritance protect against mismatch, embedding educational outcomes within intergenerational processes. Second, the results show that expansion has not reduced the role of family background; instead, heightened competition has amplified the value of parental resources. Finally, the study highlights the importance of industrial dimension in understanding inequality. Beyond occupations or earnings, industry-specific inheritance provides an important channel through which advantages are transmitted.
These patterns carry important policy implications. Addressing over-education requires coordinated education and labor market strategies that not only expand vocational training but also increase opportunities in knowledge-intensive industries. Addressing unequal channels of entry across sectors, such as reliance on family-based networks and informal referrals, could help level the playing field for students from less advantaged backgrounds. Stronger career services and more equitable access to internship programs may provide students with practical experience to navigate the job search more effectively.