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Introduction: Families in the Unites States have undergone tremendous change over the last few decades: increased divorce, less universal marriage, and more cohabitation (Lesthaeghe, 2010). The reasons for these changes are complex, but among the strongest predictors are education, income, and mental health. Trends in changes in family structure are important because they create more varied and less stable living arrangements for children, which can lead to maladjustment (Bachman, et al., 2011; Karberg & Cabrera, 2014). Given the tremendous variation in family structure and stability by ethnicity and nativity status (Wildsmith et al., 2014), it is less clear whether all ethnic groups experience family stability in the same way (Manning, Brown, & Stykes, 2014). Changes in family structure among Latinos or among immigrant Latinos, who constitute a large number of the Latino population in the U.S. is less clear (Zong, & Batalova, 2016). This is an important oversight because Latinos currently make up 17% of the U.S. population and, as a group, are likely to have strong views about the sanctity of marriage and values regarding family cohesion and stability (U.S. Census Bureau, 2014).
Research Questions: We ask: (1) What is the association between ethnicity and racial status and family structure changes? And (2) How do ecological risk (i.e., maternal education and depressive symptoms, and household income) and family functioning (i.e., father involvement) moderate the association between ethnicity and racial status and family change or stability. We focus on the first five years of life because changes in family structure and living arrangements during this period are most likely to lead to long-term negative impact on children’s development (Cabrera et al., 2014; Ryan et al., 2015).
Methods: We use a sample (N=4,498) drawn from the Fragile Families and Child Wellbeing Study. Family structure change was measured when the focal child was 0-5, and it was calculated based on mothers’ reports of their relationship status (married, cohabiting, or single) at baseline and years 1, 3, and 5.
Results: We found that foreign-born Latina mothers are as likely to be in a stable residential relationship over the first five years of their child’s life as are White mothers. Moreover, compared to White mothers, foreign-born Latina mothers are less likely to break up and to repartner than be stable co-resident. We found different patterns of family structure change for native-born Latina mothers: U.S.-born Latina mothers and Black mothers were more likely to break up than to remain in a stable co-resident relationship compared to White mothers. Compared to White mothers, foreign-born Latina mothers with less education and more depressive symptoms were less likely to break up than to remain stable co-residential.
Conclusions: This study documents the relative stability of immigrant Latino families over a critical period of development – birth to the start of school. Implications are discussed of the early family stability Latino children with an immigrant mother experience and how ecological risk factors into their early family experiences.