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The Development of Gender Stereotypes about Spatial, Math, and Reading Domains

Thu, March 21, 12:30 to 2:00pm, Baltimore Convention Center, Floor: Level 3, Room 330

Integrative Statement

Spatial and mathematical skills are both important for success in learning science, technology, engineering, and mathematics (STEM) (Mix & Cheng, 2012). Thus, understanding gender stereotypes related to spatial and mathematical skill is critical for understanding why fewer women participate and succeed in STEM. However, research regarding spatial-gender stereotypes is sparse, and research on children’s math-gender stereotypes is contradictory. For example, one study found no evidence of explicit gender stereotypes regarding math in 6 year-olds (Galdi, Cadinu, & Tomasetto, 2014); another found evidence for both implicit and explicit math stereotypes favoring males in second-graders (Cvencek, Meltzoff, & Greenwald, 2011).

To understand these discrepancies, we manipulated the explicitness and the target of the stereotype. Explicit and implicit stereotypes differ, with explicit being more readily accessible, easily verbalized and prone to social desirability effects (Nosek & Smyth, 2011). Regarding targets, there is some evidence that elementary-school girls show gender stereotypes regarding math for adult, but not child, targets (Steele, 2003). Crucially, we examined the development of spatial-gender stereotypes in comparison to math and reading, given the dearth of information on spatial-gender stereotypes and the importance of spatial skills for STEM.

Kindergarten through fourth-graders (N=331, Mage=8.39 years, SDage=1.33 years, nfemales=190) completed gender stereotype measures (Figure 1). We manipulated age of target (adult or child) between subjects. Explicitness (explicit versus indirect) and domain (spatial, math, and reading) were blocked and manipulated within-subjects (8 items per block). We measured children’s male-gender bias (proportion of trials choosing male as best; “same” coded as 0.5). For each factor, we separately conducted a main-effect model and a factorial model including domain, grade, and gender.

Responses were generally egalitarian (48.6% chose males across all items). Against this backdrop, domain made a difference (main-effect model, p<.001; percent choosing males: spatial M=50.5%, SE=0.7%; math M=48.9%, SE=0.7%; reading M=46.5%, SE=0.7%). Domain also interacted with child gender and grade level (p=.048; Figure 2). In kindergarten, both boys and girls tended to choose their own gender, without distinguishing among domains. In 1st-4th grades, both boys and girls began to distinguish among domains in a stereotype-consistent manner.

Next, we examined explicitness. Children chose boys more often when answering indirect than explicit questions (main-effect model, p<.001). This was modified by an explicitness x domain x gender interaction, p=.021. Boys chose more males in math and spatial domains when answering indirect questions than when answering explicit questions; explicitness did not impact girls. Finally, we examined target. There was no main effect, and an unexpected target x grade interaction (p=.044; fourth-graders chose more males for child-like characters than adults, whereas younger children did not).

By 1st or 2nd grade, children saw males as showing relative strengths in spatial skills and females as showing strengths in reading, conforming to societal stereotypes, although math was intermediate. Overall, from kindergarten to 4th grade, children increasingly endorsed domain-specific gender stereotypes. Boys also showed evidence of social desirability bias, given that explicitness affected their responses. These results set the stage for necessary research on how spatial-gender stereotypes impact STEM motivation and achievement.

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