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Non-residential fathering in modern families

Thu, March 21, 12:30 to 2:00pm, Baltimore Convention Center, Floor: Level 3, Room 340

Integrative Statement

Introduction
Modern families include a growing population of fathers who are non-residential parents (Poole et al., 2016). The reasons for non-residential fathering can vary from occupational drivers, immigration issues, as well as relational causes for fathers not residing with their child(ren). While non-residential fathering is a growing paternal population, relatively little research has focused on the experiences of fathers as they transition to non-residential fathering, and how these experiences may impact their co-parenting relationships, parenting quality, and well-being for both father and child(ren). While the accepted view of UNICEF (2014), and child development researchers (e.g. Lamb, 2000) is that parents and children benefit from paternal involvement, there are significant barriers for non-residential fathers to develop and sustain the parenting roles they want. Understanding the experiences of fathers as they transition to non-residential fathering may be particularly pertinent for supporting involved non-residential fathering. In the current study barriers to non-residential fathering, and fathers’ adaptation to non-residential parenting were considered.

Hypotheses
Based on attachment theory and family systems theories, the current study builds on the work of Lamb (2012) to consider the role significance fathers would place on parenting, and that this would be demonstrated in fathers’ active paternal-identity maintaining behaviors. Based on previous research by Altenburger et al., (2018) on gatekeeping and ecological contexts of parenting, it was predicted that the co-parenting relationship would be considered a gateway to access for children, as well as working status.

Study Population
The current study included 7 fathers who were transitioning from a previously residential status to non-residential fathering status. All fathers were biologically related to their children. With fathers ranging from 1 to 4 children, with all fathers having at least 1 child who was currently a dependent at the time of interview. Fathers ranged in occupational status, ethnicity, and current relationship status, with the sample majority low-economic, BAME (Black, Asian, Minority Ethnic).

Methods
Semi-structured interviews were completed with each father, during in-lab sessions, and analysed according to the principles of thematic analysis (Braun & Clarke, 2006). Fathers also completed standardised questionnaire measures on demographics as well as parental well-being and parenting.

Results
Across the interviews three themes emerged: The relational and economic challenges of adapting from a resident father to a non-resident; how the reduction of access to children impacted the enactment of father roles, reducing the opportunities for fathers to be involved in decision-making and direct care; and how fathers negotiate maternal gate-keeping. Impacts on paternal-identity were also investigated. The findings suggest fathers compensate for a lack of allocated time for paternal involvement by prioritizing regular, focused, quality-time with their children. Fathers considered improving the quality of their relationship with their children by this quality time over quantity of time approach as a way of positively impacting on their paternal identity. While fathers did not consider gender to be a determinant of their parenting ability or quality, they did consider societal assumptions on parenting gender as a factor in determining parenting quality as a determinant for their opportunities to parent.

Authors