Neighborhood-Level Predictors of African American and Latino Parents’ Ethnic-Racial Socialization Messages

• In Event: 3-174 - The Role of Neighborhood Context in Shaping Diverse Youth Development

Integrative Statement

Ethnic-racial socialization (ERS) is an important child-rearing goal for ethnic minority families (Hughes et al., 2006; Umaña-Taylor et al., 2013). Demographic (e.g., race-ethnicity, SES) and cultural (e.g., discrimination, ethnic-racial identity [ERI]) factors are associated with cultural socialization (CS) and preparation for bias (PFB) – two of the most commonly studied ERS messages (Hughes et al., 2006). Recent scholarship suggests neighborhood characteristics shape parents’ ERS (Caughy et al. 2010, Winker, 2012). Therefore, guided by the integrative model (García Coll et al., 1996) and social disorganization theory (Kingston et al., 2009), which suggest that culture, SES, and racial-ethnic heterogeneity matter for families, the present study examines how neighborhoods inform African American and Latino parents’ ERS.

Data came from the MacArthur Study of Diversity in Mid-life, which was designed to include socioeconomically diverse neighborhoods in two urban cities, New York and Chicago, to explore predictors of ethnic-minority adults’ well-being. A sub-sample of parents (N = 543) with 6-17 year olds were included in this study. Parents lived in 130 block groups (i.e., neighborhoods, Range:1-14 residents, Mean = 4). Parents self-identified as African American (17.5%), Puerto Rican (35.4%), Dominican (23.6%), and Mexican (23.6%). Most parents were married (57.8%) and reported incomes between $10000 and $24999 (Range: <$10000 to >$75000). Parents completed demographic, cultural (i.e., ERI, discrimination), and neighborhood problems surveys. Responses aggregated within neighborhood created neighborhood-level cultural variables. Addresses were geocoded to create neighborhood SES and racial-ethnic diversity indices.

Sequential models were estimated: random intercept (model 1), followed by adding level-1 individual (model 2) and level-2 neighborhood predictors (model 3) as well as random slopes (model 4; reported in the text). Intraclass correlation (ICC) analysis showed variation in CS (20.9%) and PFB (27.7%) was due to neighborhood differences. For CS (Table 1), Mexican parents reported significantly fewer CS messages than African American parents. Foreign-born parents and those with higher ERI and perceived more neighborhood problems reported using more CS (B = 0.31, p = 0.01; B = 0.27, p = 0.031; B = 0.24, p = 0.006, respectively). However, those parents who resided in their neighborhoods longer engaged in less CS (B = -0.01, p = 0.012). Parents who lived in neighborhoods with residents who reported greater ERI (B = 0.40, p < 0.001) and more perceived problems (B = 0.32, p = 0.012) increased their CS. For PFB (Table 2), Puerto Rican, Dominican, and Mexican parents communicated fewer PFB messages than African American parents. Older parents and those who perceived more neighborhood problems (B = 0.46, p < 0.001) engaged in more PFB messages. Parents who lived in neighborhoods with residents who experienced more discrimination (B = 0.62, p < 0.001) and reported more perceived problems (B = 0.38, p = 0.013) increased their PFB messaging. Structural neighborhood characteristics were unrelated to CS and PFB.

The current study highlights the impact of place on ERS. For these families of color, perceived neighborhood processes and aggregate cultural experiences matter more for ERS messages than structural, objective neighborhood characteristics. Implications of the findings will be discussed.

Authors

• Dawn Paula Witherspoon, The Pennsylvania State University
  Presenting Author

• Ciara Smalls Glover, Georgia State University
  Non-Presenting Author

• Diane Hughes, New York University
  Non-Presenting Author

• Wei Wei, The Pennsylvania State University
  Non-Presenting Author