Search
Program Calendar
Browse By Day
Browse By Time
Browse By Panel
Browse By Session Type
Browse By Topic Area
Search Tips
Virtual Exhibit Hall
Personal Schedule
Sign In
X (Twitter)
Research has shown that parent engagement during play activities is positively related to children’s cognitive, social, and emotional development (Blundon & Schaefer, 2006). Furthermore, parent-child play patterns differ by age, ethnicity/race, and gender (Zegiob & Forehand, 1975; Leaper, 2000; Liddell & Henzi, 1987; Hyndman, Benson, & Telford, 2016). A previous study found cross-cultural differences in parent-child play patterns in France, Germany, and Italy (Best, House, Barnard, & Spiker, 1994), but within country ethnic differences have not been explored in the USA.
In the current study 61 parent-child dyads were observed on five playgrounds in a mid-sized city in North Carolina. The sample included children ranging from 2 to 12 years of age (M age = 5.64 years) with 33 White dyads, 17 African American, and 11 Hispanic. Similar to the Best et al. (1994) methodology, a researcher recorded the frequency of parent and child behaviors during a 10-minute period (play, vocalization, showing and sharing, affection, child aggression, child imitation, parent caregiving, parent discipline, and parent controlling; interrater reliability for 21% of dyads was >70%). Dyads were not aware that they were being observed. Following observation, the parent was asked to provide demographic information as well as information about the child’s playground preferences. No parent declined to provide this information.
Consistent with prior research, interactions differed based on gender and ethnicity (see Figure 1). Parents vocalized more with sons than with daughters (t(59)= 2.01, p= .049) and parents were more controlling with sons than with daughters (t(59)= 1.76, p= .084). Perhaps boys who play more actively elicit more parental attention (Else-quest, Hyde, Goldsmith, & Hulle, 2006). Ethnicity was a marginally significant predictor of parent vocalization, with White parents vocalizing more with their children than Hispanic parents (t(42)= 1.81, p= .099) and African-American parents (t(48)= 1.80, p= .09). Such parental vocalization differences may impact children’s future language skills. Caregiving varied based upon ethnicity with White and Hispanic parents engaging in significantly more caregiving behaviors than African American parents (t(48)= 2.46, p= .001; t(26)= 2.86, p < .001).
These data were compared with data collected at playgrounds in the same city in 2013 (60 White dyads; children ages 2 to 10 years; M age = 4.9 years) using the same methodology. The quantity and the quality of parent-child playground interactions changed significantly over the time interval. Compared with White parents in 2018, White parents in 2013 played more with their children and engaged in showing/sharing behaviors more frequently. However, parents in 2018 exhibited more frequent caregiving behaviors and showed stronger associations with the behaviors of their children when they did choose to play (see Table 1). Higher levels of caregiving and behavioral reciprocity in 2018 suggest that while parents play less than they did in 2013, they are more attuned with their children when they do choose to engage, and children are playing more with playground peers than with parents. In the context of parent-child play, children learn social skills and emotional competence that may lead to positive peer relationships (Lindsey, 2000).