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Poster #155 - Effects of restrictive childrearing practices in Tajikistan on motor development

Fri, March 22, 7:45 to 9:15am, Baltimore Convention Center, Floor: Level 1, Exhibit Hall B

Integrative Statement

Experimental and cross-cultural work shows that childrearing practices alter infants’ experiences, and in turn, their motor development. Childrearing practices that encourage movement—special handling and exercise—are associated with earlier onset of sitting and walking and more proficient skill. Reciprocally, childrearing practices that restrict movement—back-sleeping, swaddling, and diapering—are associated with delayed onset ages and less mature gait patterns. Throughout Central Asia, caregivers use a “gahvora” cradle (Figure 1) to sleep, toilet, and contain infants throughout the 24-hour day. Infants are laid supine with torso and limbs swaddled and bound. Effects of this widespread, restrictive practice on motor development have not been studied.
We observed 151 infants cross-sectionally who were cradled in the gahvora since birth at 8, 12, 16, 20, and 24 months of age in rural Tajikistan. We calculated cradling hours using a time-diary interview. On average, infants spent 10.7 hours/day in the gahvora (up to 21 hours/day). With age, cradle use decreased (M=13.4 hours/day at 8 months; M=6.7 hours/day at 24 months). We collected standard measures of sitting, crawling, standing, and walking and observed spontaneous walking based on video records of activity outside the gahvora.
Relative to World Health Organization standards, Tajik infants were delayed for sitting, crawling, standing, and walking (Figure 2). Although Tajik infants failed to demonstrate locomotion according to the WHO criteria, they achieved locomotion in other ways. Of 58% of 8-to 12-month-olds who failed to demonstrate successful hands-knees crawling, infants moved by scooting, rolling, and belly crawling. The WHO standard skill sequence differed for 15% of 8-month-old Tajik infants and 7% of 12-month-old Tajik infants: They crawled before they could sit.
In a sample of 118 infants recruited in rural and urban regions, we are tracking the developmental progression of walking longitudinally. Data collection is nearly complete; so far, we collected 303 sessions at 12, 16, and 20 months. We found regional differences: By 12 months, 22% of infants living in urban Tajikistan have begun to walk but none in the rural region, confirming findings from our cross-sectional study. By 16 months, 80% and 81% of infants from rural and urban regions demonstrated walking, and all but 3 infants walked at 20 months. Using machine-learning algorithms, we identified patterns of gahvora use over the study period and their relations with the development of walking.
Findings highlight ways that common cultural practices can influence infants’ everyday experiences and development. We argue that cross-cultural research provides a revealing window into the range of infant experiences around the world, and challenges common assumptions about what is normative and expected in early development.

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