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Imaginary companions (ICs) are fictional characters that children talk about or interact with on a regular basis. Sometimes they are invisible and sometimes they are based on a special toy referred to as personified object. Imaginary companions are relatively common during the preschool years and are associated with positive developmental outcomes, such as higher theory of mind scores, language abilities, creativity (Lillard et al., 2013). Most of the research on this topic is based on WEIRD (Western, Educated, Industrialized, Rich, and Democratic) samples.
In this study, we compared and contrasted the prevalence of and parental attitudes towards imaginary companions in 3 different samples in the US and in a non-Western sample. 87 middle-SES families from a small city in the Northwest US (Mchild age= 59.67), 39 Head-Start families from the same city (Mchild age= 32.22), 43 families from Alaska (Mchild age= 56.86), and 120 middle-SES families living in a big city in Turkey (Mchild age= 45.69) participated in the study. Families and children were questioned about the child’s imaginary companion and parents were asked to rate the extent they approve different play behaviors (e.g., object substitution, personified objects, invisible friends).
Results reveal that imaginary companions are more common in the Northwestern US samples (38% in the Headstart sample and 47% in the middle-SES sample) than it is in Turkish (9%) or Alaskan samples (26%). Moreover, in Turkish, Alaskan, and Headstart samples, the majority of the ICs (91%, 91% and 67%, respectively) were personified objects, whereas the majority (63%) of the ICs reported in the Northwestern middle-SES sample were invisible friends.
In all cultures, the approval rates of play with imaginary companions (invisible friends and personified objects) were lower than approval rates of play involving object substitution. The Turkish sample had the lowest prevalence rate of imaginary companions and the lowest approval of invisible friends. Approval rates of personified objects was the highest in the middle-SES Northwestern sample. When families were asked to rate their comfort level in the case of their child having an imaginary companion on a 1 to 3 scale, the Turkish sample had the most negative reaction (M=1.88, SD=.64) which was significantly lower than the comfort levels found in the other samples.
Interestingly, when asked about their interpretation of different play behaviors, about 26% of Turkish parents reported that having an invisible friend might be seen as a sign of pathology. Similarly, in Alaskan sample 3 parents (7%) reported that having an invisible friend might be a sign of contact with the spiritual world. This was not the case in Headstart or middle-SES Northwestern US samples.
These results suggest that children’s creation of imaginary companions might be shaped by cultural values and parental attitudes. In cultures in which parents do not approve this type of play, children might be discouraged to engage in imaginary companion play or may not disclose their imaginary companions to others. Cross-cultural similarities/differences in regards to prevalence of personified objects and invisible friends might again reflect cultural norms and require further investigation.