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Past studies have argued that increased diversity has positive effects on inter-racial relations in childhood (Killen, Crystal, & Ruck, 2007). Racial diversity both at school and at home can reduce race bias (Gaither et al., 2014; McGlothlin & Killen, 2010). Other sources of diversity, such as foreign language exposure, can reduce certain types of race bias (Singh, Quinn, Qian, & Lee, 2020). We sought to compare effects of other-race contact and foreign language exposure on race bias.
Of the 170 children tested, 87 attended a culturally heterogenous school with 93 nationalities represented. Eighty-three children attended a homogenous school (>90% of students were from a single nationality). Race representation was more evenly distributed for the heterogenous school (29% East Asian; 30% Caucasian; 31% Biracial; 10% Indian) than for the homogenous school (87% East Asian; 1% Caucasian; 6% Biracial; 6% Indian). All families were surveyed on relevant demographic variables as well as on their child’s foreign language and other-race exposure. Reported other-race exposure was divided into exposure that involved regular individual contact with other races (i.e., a nanny or babysitter) versus exposure that involved group contact (tuition classes, school teachers, and classroom assistants). No child had known interaction with the other race (African) used in this study.
All children were tested on their social preferences using a paradigm adapted from Kinzler and Spelke (2011). In Experiment 1, children were presented with photographs of two gender-matched children over a series of trials. Children were shown a photograph of a toy and asked to select one child to whom they would like to give the toy. One child was the same race as the participant and one child was a different race (African race). The dependent variable was the proportion of trials where participants chose an own-race beneficiary for the toys. In a second experiment, children were told that the own-race child already owned one of toys to be distributed, but that the other-race child did not and needed it. The dependent variable for this task was the extent of preference reversal (other-race selection in the second experiment minus own-race selection in the first experiment).
In a hierarchical linear regression, maternal and paternal education, school type (culturally homogenous versus heterogenous), participant race, foreign language input, and individual- versus group-level other-race contact were entered as predictors for both experiments. In Experiment 1, only other-race contact negatively predicted own-race biases: children who had more other-race contact were less likely to choose their own race when allocating resources. Individual other-race contact negatively predicted own-race biases (p = .009), whereas group-level other-race contact did not (p =. 15). In the second experiment, increased other-race contact positively predicted preference reversal. Children with increased individual-level other-race contact demonstrated increased preference reversal based on perceived need from the other-race child, (p =. 002), whereas group-level contact was not predictive (p =. 13). Findings suggest that individual-level other-race contact can protect against race bias, independent of racial diversity in school, parental education, and participants’ race and language background.