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Since the 1990s, the population of migrants dramatically increased in China; large numbers of people flowed from rural areas to urban areas (Xia, Su, & Huang, 2015). Migrant mothers (female migrants living in urban areas with their children) may meet various SES-related barriers in the post-migration context. However, little is known about how migrant mothers make sense of their migration and post-migration experience. This study provided 1) an examination of the Beijing post-migration contexts for low-income Chinese migrant mothers, 2) an understanding of how these mothers made meaning of their migration experience and post-migration contexts, and 3) recommendations for policy-makers and practitioners.
This study adopted a qualitative research approach, thematic analysis (Braun & Clarke, 2006). Ten low-income Chinese migrant mothers living in Beijing with their children were individually interviewed via WeChat audio/video chat. The participants had lived in Beijing for 15.1 years on average, with varied levels of education. Three were married to Beijingers, making them eligible for services and privileges otherwise restricted from migrants.
The migration represented a collectivistic upward mobility: many participants reported that, like others, they left their hometown and went to Beijing “for work opportunities” or “for making money.” Social relations were usually the reason why they chose Beijing as the destination. Participants’ friends or family members living in Beijing invited migrant mothers to Bejing and functioned as a secure base that gave them a sense of security.
Although mothers showed satisfaction in certain areas, many substantially described the difficulties they encountered in Beijing. Seven common themes regarding the post-migration contexts were identified (i.e., “high SES-related pressure”, “difficulties in balancing work and child-rearing”, “unequal treatments”, “troublesome school enrollment”, “prevalent extra-curriculum classes/activities”, “family relations”, and “monoglot ideology of language”). For example, the theme “difficulties in balancing work and child-rearing” captures participants’ comments like “the work schedule is busy, so there’s no time for child,” or “hard to promote because of the need to take care of child.” Some mothers saw child-rearing as a priority and chose a convenient job or quit the job, whereas some chose to less participate in child-rearing. Almost all participants felt they had no control over the dilemma of balancing work and child-rearing.
Three patterns in meaning-making of the post-migration contexts were identified (See Table 1.). First, mothers tended to instinctively admit the existence of reality and adapt to it in their ways. Second, many concerns were child-centered. Third, their narratives indicated varied types of individual agency.
The recommendations that the mothers discussed mainly involved two themes: housing and children’s education. Being able to afford a house and have their children receive education like local children were the greatest wishes of these mothers. Recommendations included developing more education programs for migrant children and providing resources for migrant caregivers.
Contrasting commonly negative viewpoints on Chinese migrants’ child-rearing processes, this study emphasizes the contexts behind their behaviors and highlighted the agency of migrant mothers. Resources and supports from the government and communities can promote the well-being of migrant families and help them thrive in Beijing.