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Transnational childcare—sending U.S.-born babies to China to be raised by grandparents or other extended family members—is a common practice among Chinese immigrant families in the United States (e.g., Bernstein, 2009; Sengupta, 1999). Reasons for transnational childcare include immigrant parents' economic and career needs, availability of childcare resources, and the cultural expectation of grandparents' involvement in childcare (Bohr et al., 2012; Bohr & Tse, 2009; Bohr & Whitfield, 2011; Kwong et al., 2009). However, little is known about how parents regard their experiences with transnational separation. Guided by a culturally-centered theoretical framework (Mistry et al., 2016; Zhang, 2019), this study examined parents’ interpretations of their separation experience.
First-generation Chinese American immigrant families from the Greater Boston area were recruited for a study of health and wellbeing. Among the 151 participating families, 33 (22%) had sent children to China for at least 4 months. Parents’ ages ranged from 28 to 55 years old (M=40.75). Children’s ages ranged from 7 to 11 years old (M=9.06). Among the separated families, the average child’s age at separation was 8 months. The length of separation varied from 4 to 65 months (M=22). Children reunited with their parents at the average age of 30 months. Previously-separated parents participated in semi-structured interviews in which they discussed reasons of transnational care, experiences before, during, and after the separation, and reflections of the overall experience. Thematic analysis was used to analyze parents’ meaning-making process of transnational care. The proposed poster reports qualitative findings from parent interviews.
This study found that transnational care was a culturally grounded practice. Common reasons for sending babies to China included upward mobility for the family, lack of local childcare, and preference of kinship care. The relatively high prevalence of separation and having a network of separated families seemed to normalize transnational childcare. However, no parent concluded their experience as simply positive or negative. Most parents recalled transnational childcare with pain and advised others not to send children to China.
Findings from this study also highlighted the evolving nature of parents’ meaning making of transnational care. For example, upward mobility was one of the main reasons of sending children to China. Parents wanted to make more money, earn a higher degree, and provide a better home for their children. Yet, at the time of interviews (on average, six years after family reunification) only a small number of parents thought the sacrifice was worth the overall upward mobility. Parents’ preference and assessment of childcare options also changed with time. Before separation, kinship care was parents’ first choice; many parents were not comfortable with daycare centers/homes. However, for first-generation immigrant families, choosing kinship care meant sending children continents away. After experiencing transnational kinship care, parents became more open toward childcare options other than kinship care.
This study advances knowledge on the motivations, meaning, and consequences of (voluntary) family separation among Chinese immigrant families. Policies and practice recommendations are also discussed.
Xian Zhang, Tufts University
Presenting Author
Stephen H Chen, Wellesley College
Non-Presenting Author
Cindy H. Liu, Brigham and Women’s Hospital, Harvard Medical School
Non-Presenting Author
Leslie Wang, University of Massachusetts Boston
Non-Presenting Author
Ellen E. Pinderhughes, Tufts University
Non-Presenting Author