Parents’ Contributions to Paid and Unpaid Labor and Children’s Gender Flexibility

• In Event: Gender socialization, stereotyping and gender development across childhood and adolescence

Abstract

Background:
In 2018, men earned 25% more than women (Pew Research Center, 2019). Although women have increased their representation in higher-paid positions, they are still twice as likely as men to report that childrearing has negatively impacted their careers (Pew Research Center, 2019). These inequalities are likely partially rooted in gender attitudes formed in childhood. Although there are many influences on children’s gender attitudes, one of the most important and proximal is family (Martin & Ruble, 2010). One way in which family may shape children’s gender attitudes is via parents’ participation in paid and unpaid work. Although today’s fathers are more involved in housework and childcare, mothers still average at least six more hours of childcare and eight more hours of housework than fathers (Pew Research Center, 2019). This study aims to (1) investigate relations between parents’ division of paid and unpaid work and children’s gender flexibility and (2) examine whether these associations differ by child gender.

Method:
Participants were drawn from a larger longitudinal study of children and their different-gender biological parents that began before children were born. At 7.5 years of age, 89 children completed a measure of gender flexibility—the Children’s Occupation, Activity, Trait-Attitude Measure (Bigler et al., 1992), which assessed children’s views about the appropriateness of 25 activities (e.g., playing video games, baking cookies) for boys and girls and 24 occupations (e.g., secretary, police officer) for men and women. Responses were coded as (1) gender flexible (i.e., both boys/men and girls/women could do them) or (0) gender inflexible (i.e., only boys/men or only girls/women could do them) and averaged separately to create activity and occupation scores. Information about parents’ paid and unpaid labor was obtained from earlier assessments. Mothers reported on the percent of household income they provided during their third trimester of the pregnancy. At nine months postpartum, mothers and fathers reported time spent doing unpaid labor via questionnaire (i.e., routine housework such as dishes; non-routine housework such as mowing the lawn; and childcare).

Results:
Preliminary linear regression analyses revealed that when mothers contributed a higher percentage of household income, children demonstrated greater gender flexibility about activities (β = 0.276, p = .010, R2 = .076) and occupations (β = 0.277, p = .010, R2 = .077). Additionally, when fathers reported doing more non-routine household labor, children were less gender flexible about activities (β = -0.352, p = .002, R2 = .124) and occupations (β = -0.241, p = .034, R2 = .058). There were no associations between gender flexibility and routine housework, childcare, or mothers’ non-routine housework. There were no significant differences in associations by child gender.

Discussion and Future Directions:
Preliminary results indicate that parents’ contributions to paid and unpaid labor play a role in children’s gender attitudes. When mothers provide higher proportions of income, children’s attitudes are more gender flexible. When fathers report performing more non-routine household labor, children’s attitudes are less gender flexible. Future analyses will supplement survey reports with time diary reports of parents’ paid and unpaid labor.

Authors

• Brendan Roszman, Ohio State University
  Presenting Author

• Anna Lorraine Olsavsky, Nationwide Children's Hospital
  Non-Presenting Author

• Miranda Berrigan, Ohio State University
  Non-Presenting Author

• Claire M. Kamp Dush, Ohio State University
  Non-Presenting Author

• Sarah Jane Schoppe-Sullivan, Ohio State University
  Non-Presenting Author