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The ontogeny of American individualism: Individual differences in the association between non-conformity and intelligence

Thu, April 8, 2:45 to 4:15pm EDT (2:45 to 4:15pm EDT), Virtual

Abstract

Children learn the beliefs and practices of their communities by observing and imitating others (Legare & Nielsen, 2015). This would not be possible without an early developing conformity bias (Chudek & Henrich, 2011; Corriveau et al., 2009). To what extent is children’s conformity encouraged within a culture that values independence and creativity? Between- and within-population comparisons provide critical insight into the extent and cause of cultural variation. Previous research found variation in whether children, adolescents, and adults use behavioral conformity as an indication of children’s intelligence across cultures (Clegg et al., 2017; Wen et al., 2019). Although U.S. adults favor self-confidence and independence in thinking over obedience and conformity (Paguio et al.1987; Raina et al., 1980), particularly compared to other populations, there is some evidence to suggest variability within the U.S. in associations between conformity and intelligence (Clegg et al., 2017).

Our objective was to examine predictors of individual differences in beliefs about children’s conformity and intelligence within the U.S. We examined whether U.S. adults (N=1,246, 770 females, 467 males, 8 identified as other, Mage=39y,7m; range=18y,4m to 81y,0m) attend to children’s behavioral conformity when making trait-based judgments and examined potential predictors of these judgments. Participants watched videos of children displaying either high or low conformity behavior and were asked which child displayed two target traits– intelligence and good behavior to assess whether participants attend to children’s behavioral conformity when making evaluations about desirable traits, such as intelligence.

A mixed-effects binary logistic regression was performed to test the effects of socialization goals (independent, interdependent, or assertive), gender, socioeconomic status, expectations for educational attainment, and experience with children (parental status, working with children) on participants’ likelihood of endorsing the high conformity child as intelligent or well-behaved. Participants’ socialization goals impacted their likelihood of endorsing the high conformity child as intelligent. Those who valued independence more (OR=1.21, p=.005, Figure 1a) and interdependent relationships less (OR=0.79, p=.002, Figure 1b) were less likely to endorse conformity as intelligent compared to good behavior. Participants who valued assertive socialization goals more were less likely to endorse conformity overall (OR=0.92, p=.016, Figure 1c). Women were less likely than men to endorse conformity as intelligent compared to good behavior (OR=0.72, p=.023, Figure 2a). People who perceived themselves as higher SES and expected children to attain more education were less likely to endorse conformity overall (OR=0.96, p=.013). Primary caregivers were less likely to endorse conformity overall than non-parents (OR=0.82, p=.038, Figure 2b), as were individuals who work with kids (OR=0.84, p=.033, Figure 2c).

This study demonstrates that beliefs about socialization goals, gender, SES, expectations for educational attainment, and experience with children influence U.S. adults’ perceptions of the relationship between intelligence and conformity. Building upon previous research that found that found SES effects within the U.S. in associations between conformity and intelligence (Clegg et al., 2017), this work adds critical nuance to explain individual differences in beliefs about conformity. This highlights the importance for conducting within-population comparisons in examining continuity and variability in childrearing beliefs and practices.

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