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Children’s Awareness of their Religious Identity in Northern Ireland and the Republic of Ireland

Thu, March 23, 10:00 to 11:30am, Salt Palace Convention Center, Floor: 1, Meeting Room 151 A-C

Abstract

Children become aware of their social identities (e.g., gender, race) during early to middle childhood (Ruble et al., 2007; Swanson et al., 2009), with children from marginalized identities showing more precocious knowledge (Kinzler & Dautel, 2011; Roberts & Gelman, 2016). Although socially constructed, people often associate certain physical features with specific identities (e.g., skin color with race; hair length with gender). We investigate children’s awareness of an identity that typically has no clear external signals—Christian religious affiliation. We assessed the development of religious identity in Northern Ireland and the Republic of Ireland. Religion is prominent in both societies. Northern Ireland, however, has a history of ethno-religious conflict between Catholics and Protestants; despite successful peace accords signed in 1998, tensions remain high. In contrast, there is no recent conflict in the Republic of Ireland. By assessing religious identity awareness in each of these contexts we can understand the role of conflict in identity development.

In Study 1, 5- to 11-year-olds from Northern Ireland (n=306, Mage=8.79 years were asked: (1) Are you Catholic, Protestant, or something else?; (2) What does it mean to be Catholic?; and (3) What does it mean to be Protestant? Sixty percent of children accurately reported their religious identity. Knowledge of religious identity increased with age (B=1.09, p<.001). Children from the minority religion in Northern Ireland (Catholicism) were more likely to know their religious identity (B=-1.17, p=.002) than children from the majority religion (Protestantism). Table 1 displays the types of definitions provided for Catholicism and Protestantism.

We aim to replicate and extend these findings in Study 2 by including children from Northern Ireland and the Republic of Ireland. We also investigate how parents’ beliefs and attitudes shape their children’s awareness of their religious identity. In a pre-registered study (sample size, methods, analyses), 4- to 10-year-olds (target n=210; current n=13; current average age=7.29 years) were asked the same questions as Study 1. Parents also reported (1) how much conflict they perceive between Catholics and Protestants; (2) their level of religiosity; (3) their socio-economic status; and (4) the extent to which they socialize their children about their ethno-religious identities. So far 50% of children have known their religious identity. Structural equation modeling will assess links between individual-difference variables (child age, child religious background, parents’ perceived conflict, parents’ religiosity, socio-economic status, and family ethnic socialization) and children’s awareness of their religious identity, including whether patterns differ in Northern Ireland and the Republic of Ireland. We expect children in Northern Ireland (especially those from the minority religion—Catholicism) to show earlier awareness of religious identity than children in the Republic of Ireland. We further anticipate that parents who perceive greater conflict between Catholics and Protestants, who are more religious, and who socialize their children about their religious background will be more likely to have children who know about their religious affiliation. Taken together, these data will add to our collective understanding of how children begin to conceptualize religious affiliation in cultural and historical context. Implications for intergroup relations will be discussed.

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