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Future-oriented cognition (FOC), the ability to anticipate future states and needs (Bélanger et al., 2014), has become a popular research topic in developmental psychology over the past two decades. However, very little is known about the emergence of FOC during the toddler years. The present study investigated the emergence and development of FOC in toddlerhood and explored what cognitive and language abilities predicted childhood FOC. Parents (N = 205) of 2- to 3-year-old children participated in an online study in which they completed the Children's Future Thinking Questionnaire (CFTQ; Mazachowsky & Mahy, 2020) to assess their child's FOC in five domains (i.e., saving, episodic foresight, prospective memory, planning, and delay of gratification). Also, parents completed measures of their children’s executive function (Behaviour Rating Inventory of Executive Function-Preschool Version; Gioia et al., 2003), self-concept (Self-Concept Development Questionnaire; Stipek et al., 1990), episodic memory (Children's Memory Questionnaire-Revised; Hedges et al., 2015), expressive language (MacArthur–Bates Short Form Vocabulary Checklist; Fenson et al., 2000), and child’s daily talk (i.e., the frequency of child’s time metaphor use [e.g., sleeps for days], temporal word use [e.g., tomorrow], and parent-child talk about future events; adapted from Grant & Suddendorf, 2011). Preliminary analysis showed that 73 parents reported more than 20% missing data on CFTQ (i.e., "does not apply," "do not know," "prefer not to answer," or truly blank). These parents were overwhelmingly parents of 2-year-olds (n = 57) and responded mostly using the "does not apply" response, particularly in the planning and prospective memory subscales. These parents (n = 73) were excluded from the sample due to a substantial amount of missing data. Results based on the remaining 132 parents in the sample (71 2-year-olds; Mage = 34.92 months, SD = 7.06) showed that children as young as 2-years-old demonstrated future-oriented abilities. Moreover, there was an age-related improvement in FOC such that 3-year-olds were rated higher than 2-year-olds on the planning and prospective memory subscales, but there were no age differences on the saving, episodic foresight, and delay of gratification subscales. Finally, a linear regression showed that episodic memory and children’s time metaphor use were independent predictors of FOC, including saving, prospective memory, episodic foresight, and planning abilities. However, only time metaphor use predicted ratings on the delay of gratification subscale. After including the previously excluded 73 parents, the results were similar. One difference was that the frequency of parent-child daily future talk was also an independent predictor of FOC in addition to time metaphor use and episodic memory. Overall, our results suggest that FOC in everyday life emerges in toddlerhood, but planning and prospective memory may show a more protracted developmental trajectory compared to episodic foresight, saving, and delay of gratification. Our results support the constructive episodic simulation hypothesis (Schacter & Addis, 2007): episodic memory might play an important role in contemplating the future and be a precursor to the emergence of FOC. Out of the measures of language ability, only time metaphor use robustly predicted FOC abilities.