The Emergence of Flexible Forgiveness in Early Development

• In Event: Beyond Punishment: How Do Children Respond to Moral Transgressions?

Abstract

Cooperative relationships play a fundamental role in holding together large-scale human societies. Therefore, when these relationships are damaged by transgressions, we must ameliorate the damage and restore the relationships. Although punishment is often considered the obvious response to transgressions, another, possibly more effective response is forgiveness. Forgiveness reestablishes a victim’s positive feelings towards transgressors, fosters reconciliation, and allows transgressors to re-enter mutually beneficial relationships, thus helping to maintain cooperation (McCullough, 2008).
Previous research suggests that like adults, preschool-age children are more forgiving of remorseful than unremorseful transgressors. Beyond this, however, little research has examined the flexibility of young children’s forgiveness. Yet forgiveness may most usefully serve its reparative functions when it is preferentially directed toward better cooperators. We examined this proposal in two studies conducted with preschool-age children in the U.S.
Study 1 asked whether children forgive in-group members (whom people generally expect to be more cooperative) more than out-group members. When a novel in-group member and out-group member both transgressed against the child and both showed remorse, 5-year-old children (N = 20) were more forgiving of the in-group member (all ps < .042). However, when only the out-group transgressor was remorseful whereas the in-group transgressor was unremorseful (and thus did not demonstrate cooperative intent), 5-year-olds (N = 20) were more forgiving of the remorseful out-group transgressor. They also judged the unremorseful in-group transgressor negatively and wanted her to leave their group (all ps < .042). Thus, from early in development, forgiveness is preferentially directed to maximize successful cooperation while reducing the risk of exploitation.
Study 2 asked whether children’s forgiveness considers the transgressor’s intentions. In Study 2a, 5-year-old (N = 20) and 6-year-old children (N = 20) watched videos of two transgressors, one of whom caused accidental harm and the other caused intentional harm. Both transgressors showed remorse. The 6-year-olds evaluated the intentional transgressor more negatively than the accidental transgressor and gave more resources to the accidental transgressor (all ps < .001). In contrast, the 5-year-olds did not significantly differ from chance levels in their evaluations of the two transgressors (all ps > .115), but they did distribute more resources to the accidental transgressor (p = .041). In Study 2b, 6-year-olds (N = 18) watched videos of two intentional transgressors, one of whom was remorseful and the other was unremorseful. Children were more likely to positively evaluate the remorseful than unremorseful transgressor and gave more resources to the remorseful transgressor (all ps < .05). Thus, although 6-year-olds evaluated remorseful intentional transgressors more negatively than remorseful accidental transgressors, they nonetheless valued remorse from intentional transgressors. These findings indicate that early forgiveness relies heavily on transgressors’ displays of remorse rather than on a more complex interaction between the nature of the transgression and the display of remorse. Future work will be needed to explore when in development forgiveness becomes more sensitively tuned to the nature of the transgression.
Together, these studies are an important start to understanding the development of flexible forgiveness and its role in supporting cooperation.

Authors

• Caroline Kelsey, Boston Children’s Hospital
  Presenting Author

• Carolynn Elizabeth McElroy, Gallaudet University

• Janine Oostenbroek, University of Queensland

• Amrisha Vaish, University of Virginia - Charlottesville