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Judgments of and Responses to Intergroup Bias-Based Bullying: Assessing Race, Immigrant Background, and School Climate

Fri, March 24, 8:30 to 9:15am, Salt Palace Convention Center, Floor: 1, Meeting Room 150 D-E

Abstract

Numerous adolescents experience bias-based bullying (BB) meaning bullying based on someone's social identities or group membership (i.e., gender, race/ethnicity, Miller et al., 2022; Mischel & Kitsantas, 2020). School climate, including teacher support and willingness to help, and bullying prevalence, influences peer violence (Brenick, Schachner, & Jugert, 2018; Walsh et al., 2016). Perceptions of school climate can be influential in adolescents' attitudes about and responses to bullying (Rigby & Johnson, 2006). Research shows that perceptions of school climate may be influenced by an individual's race, school bullying policies, and teacher/staff attitudes (Holt & Espelage, 2007). However, there is a lack of research on how school climate relates to evaluations of BB and how or if individuals should take action to address it. Additionally, we need to explore the role of minoritized identities, including immigrant background and race in these evaluations, as these identities are frequently targeted for BB (Caravita et al., 2019).

780 sixth to twelfth grade students (Mage=13.90(2.07); nfemale= 372; nMinoritized race=345; nwhite=327), from seven public schools in Connecticut, U.S., completed in-class surveys depicting three contexts of cross-race BB targeting Arab, Latinx/o/a/é, or Black im/migrant youth. Participants were asked how right/wrong they viewed BB exclusion (judgment) and what action they believe the victim (response selection) or a bystander (bystander response) should take. Moreover, the bullying prevalence and teacher’s willingness to help with bullying scales assessed school climate. Separate repeated measures ANOVAs were run for participants’ judgments, response selections, and bystander responses, with context also as a within-subject variable (see Table 1 for measure descriptions). Immigrant background, race, teacher’s willingness to help, and bullying prevalence were included as between subject variables.

The results for judgment revealed that across levels of perceived willingness to help and bullying prevalence, participants rated BB exclusion of Black and Latinx/o/a/é victims as more wrong than Arab victims (see Table 2 for all significant results). Similarly, participants were more likely to select an avoidant (M=0.37, SE=0.04) and less likely to select an assertive (M=0.13, SE=0.03) or adult assistance (M=0.13, SE=0.03) response selection in the Arab scenario, but opposite trend emerged for Latinx/o/a/é and Black contexts. Lastly, the results for bystander responses revealed that participants were more likely to select prosocial/comforting bystander responses for Black victims (M=0.53, SE=0.03) than for Arab victims (M=0.43, SE=0.03, p<0.05) when they perceived a high prevalence of bullying. Additionally, immigrant participants were more likely to engage in passive (M=0.11, SE=0.02) and less likely to engage in prosocial-active, or challenging and assertive (M=0.30, SE=0.05) bystander responses.

Present findings highlight the impact of context—of the intergroup dynamic, the larger perceived school climate, and participant immigrant background—on the interpretation of BB and the strategies employed in response. The findings will be discussed in terms of unpacking the effects differentiating Arab targets from Black and Latinx/o/a/é and how future research can address this further. Additionally, we will explore how these findings can inform school-wide intervention design to facilitate supportive and inclusive school climates (peers and teachers) that benefit BB of all youth.

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