The Magnified Effects of Bias-Based Harassment on Psychological, Behavioral, and School Indices

• In Event: Bias-Based Bullying: The Implications of Multiple Forms of Discriminatory Victimization

Abstract

Perspectives and Theoretical Framework
Discrimination and prejudice can take the form of harassment at school during adolescence. Although much research documents the effects of harassment, it rarely considers the motives for bullying that might include prejudice or bias. Bias-based harassment may be especially harmful because in addition to the act of victimization it disparages individuals’ identity and group membership, both of which become salient during this formative period.
Studies show that racial/ethnic discrimination and homophobic victimization are associated with mental health distress and academic concerns (e.g., Bontempo & D’Augelli, 2002; Fisher, Wallace, & Fenton, 2000). Prior research has not, however, compared bias-based harassment to “general” harassment, and no known studies have examined multiple forms of bias-based harassment (e.g., based on race/ethnicity, sexual orientation, religion, or disability).

Objectives
We examined bias-based harassment using data from two population-based studies of students. We compared the implications of bias-based harassment to general harassment, and examined multiple forms of bias-based harassment. We expected that youth who experienced harassment, either biased or non-biased, would report greater concerns than those who reported no experiences. Moreover, we expected that students who experienced bias-based harassment would report even greater concerns than those who experienced non-bias-based harassment.

Methods
The 2009 Dane County Youth Assessment included 17,366 students in Grades 7 through 12 in 45 schools (50.1% boys; 73.8% White; 94.6% heterosexual). The 2007-2008 California Healthy Kids Survey included 602,612 students in Grades 6 through 12 in 16,185 schools (49.1% boys; 24.2% White). The surveys included measures to assess bias-based harassment (perceived by participants to be on account of their sexual orientation, race/ethnicity, religion, gender, a physical/mental disability) general harassment (4-items assessing general indices of harassment but not attributed to the categories listed previously), substance use (smoking, drinking, marijuana, inhalants), depression and suicidality (3-items), grades, truancy, being threatened with a weapon at school, and having property stolen/damaged at school.

Results
The majority of youth in both studies reported harassment, of which roughly 4 in 10 reported harassment for bias-related reasons. Bias-harassed youth reported worse substance use and more mental health risks than non-bias-harassed youth (odds ratios [OR] for non-bias-harassed youth = 1.48 to 2.86; bias-harassed youth = 1.90 to 5.10; non-harassed youth were the comparison group). Bias-based harassment was associated marginally with grades, yet much more with truancy (OR = 1.32 to 2.50). Bias-harassed youth had much higher odds than non-bias-harassed youth of being threatened with a weapon and having property damaged at school (OR non-bias-harassed youth = 4.60 and 5.33; bias-harassed youth = 16.47 and 12.12).

Implications
Youth harassed due to bias report higher risks than youth who experience no harassment and those who report harassment absent of perceived bias. Resources and health services for youth who experience biased victimization are critical to promote resilience. Given the clear risks associated with bias-based harassment, laws and policies should focus not only on the harassing behavior, but also on bias and prejudice that motivate such behavior.

Authors

• Paul Poteat, Boston College

• Stephen T. Russell, The University of Arizona

• Katerina Sinclair, The University of Arizona