School Convivencia in Mexico: Moving From the Restrictive/Prescriptive to the Comprehensive/Analytical

• In Event: Conceptualizing Convivencia in Formal and Nonformal Education Spaces Internationally

Abstract

In Mexico, the improvement of school convivencia has become an educational priority, and policies have been developed emphasising the need of a safe and positive convivencia to counteract school violence carried out by the students (Zurita Rivera, 2012; Perales Franco, 2018). In this context, this paper aims to problematize understandings of school convivencia from “restrictive” positions (Carbajal Padilla, 2013)—which situate the work on convivencia as instrumental to the reduction of violence— and “prescriptive”—which present as starting point normative guidelines on how convivencia should be.

In contrast, drawing from a research that analyzed the relationships between two Mexican public primary schools and their local communities, I propose an approach based on “comprehensive” and “analytical” understandings (Carbajal Padilla, 2013; Fierro et al., 2013; Nieto & Bickmore, 2016). Such an approach positions school convivencia as a complex relational phenomenon that engages all school actors, not just students, shapes educational processes and outcomes, and develops meaningful social learnings.

School convivencia is analysed through a scheme that maps restrictive and comprehensive approaches (Carbajal Padilla, 2013) in the literature on school convivencia (e.g. Fierro, 2013; Hirmas & Eroles, 2008) and violence (e.g. Abramovay, 2012; Debarbieux & Blaya, 2013). The analysis of family involvement is explored through notions of parental roles (Vincent, 2000; Baquedano-López et al., 2013) and of their connections with class and gender (e.g. Lareau, 1987; Ray, 19978)

An ethnography was carried out in two Mexican primary schools located in vulnerable areas of two Mexican cities. It focused on the practices of conflict resolution, inclusion-exclusion, and participation. The analysis used grounded theory strategies (Corbin & Strauss, 1990) including situational maps (Clarke, 2005).

Data collection consisted of over 400 hours of participant observation, 38 interviews with students, family members, principals and teachers, and a questionnaire for families. Policy documents and sociodemographic data of the local community were also used.

The study shows that there is a restrictive understanding of school convivencia in the educational policy and school narratives, which position the students as responsible for negative convivencia. However, analysis of the every-day occurrences suggests that such understanding does not fully explain the patterns of convivencia in schools, nor contributes to its improvement. The study argues, therefore, that a comprehensive convivencia approach is needed, focusing on diverse school relationships and considering all school actors. In this sense, a key finding is that the relationships between the family and school are crucial to the way convivencia is shaped.

I develop an analytical model to examine school convivencia practices that first, explains how particular patterns of convivencia are constructed and performed, and second, reflects on the implications of such a model for the school’s everyday life. This research also contributes to the study of convivencia by adopting a socio-communitarian perspective that examines the relationship between schools and their local communities, as well as the implications of such relationships for the development of peace, inclusion, and democratic participation.

Author

• Cristina Perales Franco, Universidad Iberoamericana