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The purpose of this paper is to examine educational stakeholders’ perspectives of and experiences with learning pods in a single mid-sized urban school district. Learning pods can take a variety of forms, from parents forming a co-op to take turns supervising online learning through their school district to parents withdrawing their children from public schools and hiring tutors to teach a small group of children. As schools were forced to turn to remote learning due to the global coronavirus pandemic, many parents and community members turned to alternative learning options. Several media outlets report on the promise and potential of learning pods claiming that they offer students safe learning in smaller settings. However, this reality does not bear out for all communities. In this study, I focus on a single Black pod-community in Denver, Colorado to examine their experiences and perspectives on learning pods. I was interested in Black parents who decided to enroll their child in a learning pod as well as those parents who decided to remain with the public school. In particular, this study asks the following research questions: How do Black parents frame their reasons to support or oppose learning pods? What are the experiences of Black middle-school youth and their parents with learning pods? What are the experiences of Black middle-school youth and their parents who remained in traditional public schools?
In order to understand Black families’ experiences with learning pods, I draw on Stovall’s (2013) concept of politics of desperation. For Stovall, the politics of desperation can be understood as the complex assemblage of thoughts and actions that guide educational decisions in periods of uncertainty.
This qualitative case study draws on 20 semi-structures interviews with Black parents and middle-school youth. Each interview lasted between 45 and 80 minutes and focused on the following topics: origins of learning pod, district supports, students’ experiences, and challenges and advantages. Semi-structured interviews took place virtually via Zoom, Google Hangouts, or Microsoft Teams and were recorded and professionally transcribed. I used the constant comparative method (Glaser and Strauss, 1967; Chazman, 2014) of joint coding and analysis. Qualitative coding occurred in three stages. In stage one, I used open coding to identify segments of the data related to the following: “equity/inequality”, “academics”, “social/emotional”, “policies/practices” and “supports/resources.” I then grouped the open codes by similarities or developed axial codes (Charmaz, 2014; Corbin & Strauss, 2015). In the final coding stage, I re-analyzed the data and compared it with the extant literature and theoretical framework to test emerging categories throughout the data analysis process (Boeije, 2002).
Based on analysis of interview transcripts, there were several findings that were unearthed in this study. One finding suggests that Black middle-school parents were concerned with their child’s academics and wanted to avoid their child “falling behind” their peers. A second finding suggests that Black middle-school parents were enticed by the innovation of learning pods as an alternative to traditional public schools. This study is significant as it has the potential to contribute to a nuanced understanding of Black parents’ engagement with school choice and microschools.