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Organizing the Biden Presidency (Pre-Recorded)

Sun, October 3, 10:00 to 11:30am PDT (10:00 to 11:30am PDT), TBA

Abstract

In this paper I will build on my book on presidential transitions, The Strategic Presidency: Hitting the Ground Running, in which I argue that in order to take control of the government, a new administration must master key levers of power. First, the White House must be organized. There is now a common consensus that a chief of staff is necessary, but two recent presidents, Clinton and Trump, did not delegate sufficient authority for their chiefs of staff to be successful. How does Biden’s use of his chief of staff and White House organization compare with other recent presidents?

White House staff-Cabinet relations are always conflictual. Presidents must centralize policy control in the White House, but cabinet secretaries chafe at what they feel is micro-management from young White House staffers. Cabinet secretaries are almost always advocates for the interests of their own departments, with the major exception of President Trump’s domestic cabinet secretaries, who were most often hostile to the traditional missions of their departments. What balance will the Biden administration strike between White House and Cabinet?

With 1,242 presidential appointments requiring Senate confirmation, 472 presidential appointments not requiring confirmation, 761 non-career Senior Executive Service appointments, and 1,538 Schedule C appointments. The political recruitment process is a major challenge for each new administration. Campaign workers lobby the Office of Presidential Personnel for positions, while OPP will be seeking the most experienced and qualified nominees. There will inevitably be friction between the White House Office of Presidential Personnel and cabinet secretaries over whom to appoint. How will the new Biden administration balance the legitimate needs of both the president and cabinet secretaries?

Even though there is no “honeymoon” with Congress, presidents who hope to be successful with Congress must narrow their legislative priorities to take advantage of early months when they have not yet alienated many factions and before the midterm elections. The contrast between Presidents Carter and Reagan are instructive here. How will the Biden administration pursue its first legislative agenda, and/or will it fall back on unilateral executive actions to accomplish its goals, as other recent presidents have?

For comparisons with the Biden administration, I will draw on Organizing the Presidency, 4th edition, which I co-authored with Stephen Hess (Brookings 2021).

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