Mapping Student Protests in Russia: The Navalny factor

• In Event: Mass Mobilization and Protests in Comparative Perspective

Abstract

Despite the continuing student protesting movement around the globe and its numerous successes that have led to dramatic changes in some countries, including both democracies and non-democracies, student activism does not enjoy as much attention of the scholars as it did in the aftermath of the student rebellious 1960s. The contribution of this paper to the field of student activism, and student protesting movement in particular is twofold. First, this research fills the gap that exists in the scholarly literature on student protest. Specifically, it investigates student protests in a transition economy, which is neither a market-based democracy, nor a third world developing country. To do so, this research uses Russia as an industrialized society with an authoritarian regime. Second, this study develops a very comprehensive classification of student protests that can serve as a basis for future research on student activism. This classification may be applied in different countries with different types of socio-economic models.
Right after the massive student protests of the 1960s, Habermas (1972) noted the difference between student movements in industrialized societies and developing nations. He challenged the magnitude of such a difference and argued that not only in the latter, but in the former as well students are also capable to achieve real changes in the system, including through politically and economically motivated protests. This study, in turn, tests Habermas’ notion of student movements in developing authoritarian regimes as those being able to produce real change. It does so while using Russia as an interesting case, an industrialized society with an authoritarian regime. Being a transition economy, Russia is neither a market-based democracy, nor a third world underdeveloped country. Russia has undergone transition from socialism to market and is now listed as an upper middle-income country. Russia remains the largest of all post-soviet countries, where over six million students attend colleges and universities in its eighty-five regions.
This study tries to answer the following questions: What do students in Russia protest against and what are their demands? How does the Navalny factor impacts student protests in Russia. This paper offers a typology of student protests, delineating twenty-seven types of protests based on the criterion of the cause of action. This study presents a comprehensive classification that takes into account location of the protest, number of participants, level of the issue addressed, and relation to the college administration. This paper proceeds with presenting examples of student protests that come from different regions. These student protests are split into three distinct groups: political protests, non-political protests, and protests related to international issues.
It appears that student protest is a universal phenomenon, with forms of protest being demonstrations, marches, rallies, picketing, performances, occupations, sit-ins, and boycotts of officials, provisions, products, and services. All of these forms of protest are present in Russia. Most of student protests in Russia are of non-political character, and virtually all protests feature non-violent conduct, at least on the side of students-protesters. Some of the motivations that make students protest in other countries are absent in Russia. A good example would be students fighting for the living wage to be paid to campus workers and sustainability of this fight, which is a uniquely American phenomenon.
Russia shares some of the motivations for student protests with other countries, including, first of all, potential increases in tuition and fees. At the same time, anti-regime protests, which can be met frequently in developing nations, including violent clashes with the police, are not typical for Russia. In this sense, Russia leans more toward developed industrialized societies. At present, students in Russia do not constitute a social group capable of mass protesting actions. They may be considered a potential political force for the future or a moving force in waiting, but certainly not a major moving force at present.
The data shows that the most well attended protests are those likely or openly supported by university administration. These are the protests that unite hundreds and sometimes even thousands of students in just one university, while political protests that address national issues can barely assemble a dozen or two students. As far as anti-corruption rallies are concerned, corruption in Russian higher education is a norm, and thus it is of no surprise that students protest corruption. These are not even purely political demands, but rather protests against daily occurrences and regular practices that negatively affect ordinary students. Navalny’s ability to mobilize students for massive anti-corruption protests has yet to be seen.

Author

• Ararat L. Osipian, Donbas